The ‘Insane’ British Tank That Beat Minefields To Death With Chains – Hww
Late 1943, somewhere in Britain, engineers gathered around what looked like a farming accident welded to a tank. Two massive steel arms jutted forward from a Sherman holding a spinning drum covered in heavy chains. When they switched it on, the chains whipped the ground like a medieval torture device gone berserk.
Dust exploded everywhere. The noise was deafening and buried test mines detonated harmlessly one after another beaten to death before they could kill anyone. The watching officers thought it looked insane. They were right. But this insane machine would clear the beaches on D-Day when nothing else could.
The problem was simple and terrifying. By 1944, German engineers had planted millions of mines across occupied Europe. Field Marshal Rommel, commanding Army Group B, personally directed the fortification of the Atlantic Wall and understood that the invasion would be decided on the beaches within the first 24 hours. His solution was density.
Pack the landing zones with so many obstacles and mines that Allied armor could never get ashore in sufficient numbers to establish a beachhead. The Tellermine, Germany’s standard anti-tank weapon, packed 5 kg of TNT and could rip the belly out of any Allied tank. It required only 90 kg of pressure to detonate, meaning any vehicle heavier than a motorcycle would trigger it.
German minefields stretched hundreds of meters deep with mines buried just below the surface every few meters. And the beaches of Normandy, where the Allies planned to land, were seeded with thousands of them. Rommel pushed tens of millions of mines along the entire Atlantic coast. He received far fewer, but still enough to turn the beaches into a trap.
Clearing mines by hand meant engineers crawling forward with bayonets, probing the soil centimeter by centimeter while German machine guns swept the beach. At El Alamein in 1942, this approach produced casualty rates that made commanders sick. One British report noted that sappers were being killed faster than they could clear lanes for the armor to advance.
The mathematics were brutal. A trained engineer took approximately 2 minutes to locate and disarm a single mine. A minefield 500 m deep might contain 300 mines per lane. At 2 minutes each, clearing one lane took 10 hours assuming the engineer survived that long. Nobody did. Mine rollers offered one alternative.
Heavy wheels pushed ahead of a tank would detonate mines by pressure. The Soviets developed the PT-34 system using weighted axles that could withstand eight to 10 explosions before needing replacement. But rollers had critical flaws. Mines could be pushed downward into soft soil rather than detonating. On slopes, effectiveness dropped dramatically.
And the roller only covered the width of the tank tracks, not the full vehicle, leaving the belly vulnerable to mines between the tracks. What the British needed was something that could clear a full lane width, work on any terrain, survive multiple mine strikes, and move fast enough to keep pace with an assault.
According to Royal Engineers assessments from 1943, no existing technology met half these requirements. The solution came from South Africa. Captain Abraham DuToit of the South African Defense Force conceived an elegantly brutal idea in 1941. Instead of trying to detect mines or roll over them, why not simply beat the ground until they exploded? He envisioned a spinning drum carrying heavy chains that would hammer the earth ahead of a tank, detonating any mine within reach.
The crew would stay safely inside the armored hull while the chains took the blast. DuToit filed his British patent on March 24, 1942 and was sent to England to develop the concept with AEC Limited, a company better known for building London buses. The result was the Matilda Baron, the first working flail tank.
Simultaneously, Captain Norman Barry developed a similar system in Egypt called the Scorpion, which saw combat at El Alamein in October 1942. Both designs shared a fatal weakness. They relied on external auxiliary engines mounted beside the hull to power the flail drum. This made the vehicles too wide for transport, created vulnerable targets for enemy fire, and complicated logistics with separate fuel and spare parts requirements.
The auxiliary engines also overheated constantly in desert conditions and choked on the very dust the flails created. The breakthrough came when engineers realized they could power the flail directly from the tank’s main engine through a power take-off system. A drive shaft running down the right side of the hull through a reduction gearbox would spin the drum without any external engine.
This eliminated the auxiliary power plant entirely, keeping the vehicle narrow enough for standard transport and removing the most vulnerable component. The base vehicle chosen was the Sherman Mark V, known to the Americans as the M4A4. Britain received nearly the entire production run of this variant under Lend-Lease, approximately 7,167 tanks.
Because the United States Army designated the M4A4 primarily for export. The heart of this Sherman was the Chrysler A57 multibank engine, one of the strangest power plants ever to a fighting vehicle. 30 cylinders arranged as five in-line six banks in a star pattern, displacing 20.5 L and producing 425 horsepower. The engine weighed over 2,200 kg with accessories, but proved remarkably reliable, achieving 240 hours mean time between failures. This power was essential.
The flail mechanism demanded enormous energy while the tank still needed to move and maneuver. The completed Sherman Crab weighed 32 tons, roughly 2 tons heavier than a standard Sherman due to the flail mechanism, blast shield, and associated equipment. The hull machine gun was removed because the blast shield between flail and hull blocked its field of fire, reducing the crew from five men to four.
Armor protection remained standard Sherman values. The glacis plate measured 50 to 51 mm angled at 56° providing roughly 90 mm of effective thickness against incoming fire. The turret front was 76 mm thick with 38 mm protecting the sides and rear. The flail drum carried 43 heavy chains, each ending in a fist-size steel ball.
When spinning at 142 revolutions per minute, these chains hammered the earth with devastating force, detonating mines buried up to 5 in deep. A single Crab cleared a path approximately 3 m wide. The standard formation deployed three Crabs advancing in echelon, creating a combined lane roughly 20 m across with two additional tanks providing fire support and standing ready to replace any disabled flail.
Speed while flailing was limited to between 1 and 1/4 and 2 mph, essentially walking pace. Faster movement meant the chains couldn’t strike the ground densely enough, leaving gaps where mines might survive. The driver navigated by compass because the spinning chains kicked up blinding clouds of dust and debris.
Disc cutters mounted at both ends of the drum sliced through barbed wire, making the Crab effective against multiple obstacle types simultaneously. Now before we see how this performed in combat, if you’re enjoying this deep dive into British engineering, hit subscribe. It costs nothing, takes a second, and helps the channel grow. Right. Back to the Crab.
The Crab Mark II introduced a contouring system that automatically adjusted flail height based on terrain. A counterweighted jib naturally assumed the correct position through force balance against the spinning drum, ensuring mines in dips and hollows were not missed. This solved a major problem from earlier designs where fixed height settings left dangerous gaps in uneven ground.
One critical limitation shaped Crab tactics. The main gun could not fire while flailing. The turret had to rotate rearward to protect the 75 mm gun tube from debris and blast damage. This left Crabs temporarily defenseless during clearing operations. Crews carried 97 rounds of ammunition and could engage targets normally when not flailing, but during mine clearing, they depended entirely on supporting tanks for protection.
Project fell under Major General Percy Hobart’s 79th Armoured Division, formed in August 1942. Hobart was a brilliant but difficult officer who’d commanded the 7th Armoured Division, the famous Desert Rats, before being forced into retirement in 1940. Winston Churchill personally intervened twice to reinstate him, overriding military establishment resistance.
The division’s distinctive black bull insignia became synonymous with the specialized vehicles collectively known as Hobart’s Funnies. By March 29, 1944, the British Army had ordered 689 Sherman Crabs for conversion with production estimates suggesting approximately 1,000 total units.
The 30th Armoured Brigade, comprising the Lothians and Border Horse, 22nd Dragoons, and Westminster Dragoons, would operate Crabs in Northwest Europe. On June 6, 1944, approximately 70 Crabs touched down on Gold, Juno, and Sword beaches with the assault waves. The first landings hit Gold and Sword around 0725 with Juno following shortly after as timing slipped by sector and sea state.
The Westminster Dragoons alone embarked with 56 Crabs, 26 standard Shermans, three armored recovery vehicles, and 13 scout cars. Each landing craft tank carried a breaching team of six vehicles, a mix of Crabs and AVREs, tasked with blasting lanes through German defenses. The plan called for Crabs to clear eight lanes on each beach, allowing follow-on forces to push inland before the Germans could recover from the initial bombardment.
The conditions that morning were far from ideal. Rough seas swamped some landing craft and threw others off course. Several Crabs drowned before reaching the beach when their craft grounded too far offshore. Others arrived at the wrong sectors and had to navigate under fire to reach their assigned breach points.
But enough got through. One account, attributed to German defender Private Martin Neinek of the 726th Infantry Regiment, described watching Crabs approach Gold Beach. He described seeing a Sherman emerge fitted with a revolving drum held by two girders carrying a large number of heavy chains. The drum was spinning and the chains crashed onto the earth with a deafening noise raising clouds of dust and soil.
Several times he noted a chain came loose after a mine explosion and flew up into the air a great distance. The psychological effect on defenders watching this mechanical monster advance through their carefully laid minefields must have been profound. Results varied by sector but the overall pattern was clear.
On Gold Beach lanes five and six were cleared within 15 to 22 minutes of landing despite the breach commander’s crab being hit and destroyed on the landing craft ramp. Major Stanyon dismounted from his burning vehicle and directed traffic on foot under heavy machine gun fire earning the Military Cross. Sergeant Lindsey flailed the first path onto the mainland then supported the attack on Le Hamel until his crab was destroyed by anti-tank fire.
He received the Military Medal. A report issued one week after D-Day documented that crabs managed to clear more than 50% of required exit lanes and used their guns to considerable effect in direct support of infantry. By June 8th, Westminster Dragoons B Squadron had only three of 13 crabs fully operational with five beyond repair but the lanes were open.
The American experience at Omaha Beach became the war’s most controversial comparison. General Omar Bradley commanding First United States Army declined most of Hobart’s funnies after demonstrations earlier that year. His official reasoning cited the logistical complications of accepting British designed vehicles built on Churchill tank chassis which would require retraining crews and establishing separate supply chains for spare parts.
This explanation has been questioned ever since. The Sherman Crab was built on American tanks not Churchills eliminating the spare parts argument entirely. Correspondence shows Bradley actually requested 25 flail tanks and 100 crocodile flame tanks after watching the demonstrations. These requests were never fulfilled possibly due to British production constraints rather than American reluctance.
Some historians suggest deeper institutional resistance. One American staff officer reportedly noted that the general saw it as an infantryman’s battle. Whatever the reasons at Omaha American forces landed without crabs without AVREs without crocodiles. 27 of 29 swimming DD tanks sank in rough seas before reaching shore leaving infantry with almost no armored support.
They faced minefields and fortifications with rifles grenades and extraordinary courage. Casualties reached over 2,000 with more than 1,000 killed. Bradley privately told Montgomery that he considered evacuating the beach entirely during those first desperate hours. The contrast with British beaches was stark. On Gold Juno and Sword crabs and other funnies cleared lanes filled craters bridged obstacles and supported infantry with direct fire.
Casualties were significant but manageable. The beachheads were secured on schedule. Would specialized armor have reduced casualties at Omaha? Likely. Would it have solved Omaha by itself? Not necessarily. Terrain defenses sea state and command friction all mattered but the correlation between funnies deployment and beach clearance success was noted immediately in after-action reports.
By mid-July 1944 First United States Army had finally received nine crab tanks and organized three specialist armor battalions equipped with flails. The post D-Day option validated the concept but the timing raised questions that historians still debate. Beyond the beaches crabs supported operations throughout the campaign.
During Operation Goodwood in July 1944 engineers cleared 14 gaps overnight with 79th Armored Division support. The Westminster Dragoons war diary noted that by June 10 approximately 50% of all flail chains needed replacement. German wooden-cased Holz mines proved particularly problematic. Testing found only 25% detonated when buried in soil their wooden construction absorbing flail impacts better than metal cases.
At Overloon in October 1944 Lieutenant Sam Hall’s troop engaged a Panther tank while supporting the Coldstream Guards. The following month at Broekhuizen Hall’s own crab was destroyed by a Panzerfaust. This vehicle now stands in the Overloon War Museum still bearing its battle damage. Germany’s attempts at mechanical mine clearing produced spectacular failures.
The VS KFZ 617 Minenräumer was a bizarre three-wheeled vehicle with its hull mounted high on tracked wheels for blast deflection. It proved impossibly clumsy at trials sinking into soft ground and presenting an enormous target. The Kruppräumer S was even more impractical a 130-ton behemoth that never left its development facility before American forces captured it.
Germany recognized the flail concept’s potential demonstrating the Drehflügelräumer at Kummersdorf in January 1945 but by then the war was lost. The Soviet PT-34 mine roller was simpler but limited. Rollers could push mines downward rather than detonating them and covered only track width rather than full vehicle width. Comparative studies suggest flails achieved 50 to 100% clearance rates depending on conditions.
Manual clearance remained most thorough but lethal. Post-war mine clearing in Denmark used German prisoners of war to remove over a million mines by hand. The casualty rates were grim with well over a hundred killed and many more injured demonstrating exactly what the crab was designed to prevent. Captain Du Toit received 13,000 pounds from the Royal Commission on awards to inventors in 1948 with nine colleagues sharing an additional 7,000 pounds.
Significant recognition for a concept that saved countless lives. The Sherman Crab established mine flailing as a permanent military engineering technique. Every modern flail vehicle traces its lineage to Du Toit’s patent and Hobart’s implementation. The concept did not die in 1945. Modern armies still deploy mine clearing vehicles and Ukraine has received Western systems like the Wisent one for breaching modern mine belts.
The British developed Aardvark has served with American forces in Afghanistan. Croatian remote-controlled flails represent the latest evolution unmanned vehicles eliminating crew risk entirely. Surviving Sherman crabs can be viewed at the Tank Museum in Bovington the Overloon War Museum in the Netherlands and military collections in Israel Canada India and Pakistan.
Actor Ian Carmichael later famous for playing Lord Peter Wimsey commanded a troop of B Squadron 22nd Dragoons crabs that landed on Juno Beach on D-Day. The crab was never perfect. It could not fire while flailing. It missed a quarter of wooden mines. It crawled at walking pace through blinding dust. It required constant chain replacement with crews noting that some vehicles needed new chains after dealing with just 40 mines.
The noise was deafening. The dust clouds gave away positions to enemy observers and a broken chain flying loose could injure nearby infantry. But 43 chains spinning at 142 revolutions per minute kept crews alive inside armor while doing a job that otherwise killed engineers by the hundreds. The 22nd Dragoons alone lost 34 men killed during the Normandy campaign.
The First Lothians and Border Horse finished the war with 17 killed 90 wounded 16 missing and 36 crabs destroyed. Heavy losses by any measure but compare that to the grim casualty rates among German prisoners who cleared Danish minefields by hand after the war and the value of mechanical clearance becomes undeniable.
That machine which looked insane in 1943 beat German minefields to death across Normandy through France into Germany itself. British engineering solved a problem that defeated every other approach. Not with elegance not with subtlety with chains and brute force and the simple understanding that sometimes the best solution to a deadly obstacle is to beat it into submission.
QQ4 Bob Dylan and Keith Richards have been close friends for nearly 40 years. The friendship began on a live television program in November of 1986 in the 11 seconds after Bob Dylan called Keith Richards music derivative on camera. Keith Richard’s response to that assessment, one sentence said without anger, without performance, with the specific directness of a man who has nothing to prove and knows it made Bob Dylan laugh.
Then made Bob Dylan go quiet. then made Bob Dylan say two words that people who know Bob Dylan say he almost never said to anyone. This is the story of those 11 seconds and the 40 years that followed them. The program was a live music interview special broadcast on an American network on the evening of November 3rd, 1986. The format was simple.
Two musicians, a host, an hour of conversation about music and the state of it. The producers had assembled the pairing of Bob Dylan and Keith Richards with the specific calculation of television producers who understand that two people with equally strong and potentially incompatible views about what music is and what it should do will produce better television than two people who agree about everything.
The calculation was correct, though not in the way the producers had anticipated. Bob Dylan was 45 years old in November of 1986. Bob Dylan had released Empire Burlesque the previous year and had been on the road for most of the intervening period as part of the True Confessions tour with Tom Petty and the Heartbreakers.
Bob Dylan was in November of 1986 in one of the most prolific and restless phases of a career that had consisted almost entirely of prolific and restless phases. A career that had moved through folk, rock, country, gospel, and back again, that had been declared finished at least six times by the music press, and at each time continued with the serene indifference of a river to the opinions of people standing on its banks.
Bob Dylan had been redefining what music could be. Since 1962, Bob Dylan had invented and reinvented himself so many times that reinvention had become his defining characteristic, not in the superficial sense of a performer changing costumes, but in the deeper sense of a musician who had never allowed his work to settle into a form that could be anticipated or categorized from the outside.
Bob Dylan understood influence and originality and the relationship between them better than almost anyone alive in 1986. Bob Dylan had spent 24 years thinking carefully and specifically about where music came from and where music was going and what it meant that those two things were always in constant conversation with each other.
Keith Richards was 42 years old in November of 1986. Keith Richards had been playing guitar professionally since 1962. Keith Richards had built a career on a foundation of American blues and rhythm and blues. A foundation that Keith Richards had studied with the systematic devotion of someone who understood that the tradition he was building on was not incidental to the music he was making, but essential to it.
that you could not understand what Keith Richards did without understanding where Keith Richards had come from and what Keith Richards had been listening to since he was a teenager in Dartford with American Import Records and a secondhand guitar and no teacher except the recordings themselves. Keith Richards had never pretended otherwise. Keith Richards had in fact spent considerable energy across his career making the lineage explicit, naming the artists, citing the recordings, insisting on the acknowledgement of influence that the mainstream music
industry had a long history of suppressing or ignoring or crediting to the wrong people. If anything, Keith Richards was more transparent about his sources than most musicians of his generation. Keith Richards had always said openly that the Rolling Stones came directly from the blues, that Muddy Waters and Robert Johnson and the specific tradition of the Mississippi Delta were not background influences, but foundational ones.
The music Keith Richards made was in direct and sustained conversation with that tradition, something Keith Richards considered not a limitation, but a responsibility and a form of respect. The interview had been running for 8 minutes when the host asked Bob Dylan about the current state of rock and roll.
Bob Dylan answered with the density and the indirection that characterized Bob Dylan’s responses to direct questions, turning the question over, approaching it from an unexpected angle, finding his way to what he actually thought through a series of observations that moved like a river rather than a road. Bob Dylan was not a straightforward interview subject.
Bob Dylan had been asked about rock and roll in hundreds of interviews across 24 years and had developed the habit of treating the question as an invitation to think out loud rather than a request for a prepared position. The producer Gerald Sherman said afterward that in the first 8 minutes of the interview, he had been slightly anxious, not because anything was going wrong, but because nothing was going anywhere in particular yet.
The interview had the feeling of two conversations happening simultaneously. Bob Dylan’s internal one and the external one visible to the cameras. And Gerald Sherman was not certain in those first eight minutes that the two conversations would converge into something. Bob Dylan talked about influence. Bob Dylan talked about originality.
Bob Dylan talked about the difference between music that absorbed a tradition and transformed it and music that absorbed a tradition and reproduced it. And then Bob Dylan made his assessment. And then Bob Dylan said with the precision of a man making a musical assessment rather than a personal judgment that the Rolling Stones work, and Bob Dylan was specific, naming Keith Richards as the guitarist whose approach he was discussing was derivative in a way that Bob Dylan found limiting.
Bob Dylan said it without hostility. Bob Dylan said it as a technical observation about the relationship between source material and the work that came from it. Bob Dylan said that Keith Richards played the blues the way the blues had already been played, rather than using the blues as a starting point for something that had not yet been played.
Keith Richards had been listening to this with the specific attention Keith Richards gave to things being said about music by people who knew music. Keith Richards did not interrupt. Keith Richards did not shift in his chair or display any of the visible signals of a person preparing a defensive response. Keith Richards listened to Bob Dylan’s complete observation all the way to its conclusion without interrupting and without displaying any visible signal of preparing a response.
Then Keith Richards said one sentence. The sentence was not a rebuttal. The sentence did not defend Keith Richards music or argue for its originality or challenge Bob Dylan’s characterization of what the blues meant in the context of rock and roll. The sentence was something else entirely, something that required a specific kind of confidence to say.
The confidence of a person who has spent long enough thinking about the same things as the person they are talking to that they can locate the exact point where their thinking diverges and say something useful about that point rather than simply defending their own position. The sentence acknowledged everything Bob Dylan had said, the assessment, the distinction Bob Dylan was drawing, the specific musical concern underlying the observation, and then turned it 90°.
Keith Richards took Bob Dylan’s own framework, the one Bob Dylan had used to analyze Keith Richards relationship to the blues tradition, and applied it back to Bob Dylan’s work with the same precision Bob Dylan had used to apply it to Keith Richards. Spare aimed. The sentence asked Bob Dylan something about Bob Dylan’s own music, about the relationship between Bob Dylan’s sources and Bob Dylan’s output that Bob Dylan had not been asked on television before.
The sentence did not attack. The sentence illuminated. Bob Dylan laughed. The laugh was not the polite laugh of someone responding to a joke. The laugh was the involuntary laugh of someone who has been genuinely surprised. The specific kind of surprise that a person of exceptional intelligence experiences when someone else’s intelligence exceeds their expectations.
Bob Dylan laughed for 4 seconds. Then Bob Dylan stopped laughing. Then Bob Dylan was quiet for 3 seconds in the way that Bob Dylan was quiet when Bob Dylan was thinking rather than performing thought. Then Bob Dylan said, “You’re right.” The producer in the booth, a man named Gerald Sherman, who had been working in television for 14 years, said afterward that in 14 years of live television production, he had never heard Bob Dylan say those two words in a public forum.
Gerald Sherman said he had worked with Bob Dylan on two previous occasions and had observed Bob Dylan in numerous other contexts and that you’re right was not a phrase that Bob Dylan deployed easily or often because Bob Dylan had spent 24 years being right about music in ways that other people eventually caught up with. And the experience of being right ahead of everyone else does not generally produce a man who says you’re right readily when someone else makes a point.
The host of the program, a journalist named Patricia Wells, who had been interviewing musicians for 12 years, said afterward that the 11 seconds between Bob Dylan’s assessment and Bob Dylan saying, “You’re right,” were the most extraordinary 11 seconds of television she had been present for. Patricia Wells said that what she witnessed in those 11 seconds was not a debate or a confrontation or a celebrity exchange of competing opinions.
Patricia Wells said what she witnessed was one musician recognizing another musician as an equal, which was in the specific context of Bob Dylan in 1986, not something that happened in public very often. The interview continued for another 42 minutes after those 11 seconds. The conversation between Bob Dylan and Keith Richards in the remaining 42 minutes was described by everyone who watched it as fundamentally different from the first 8 minutes.
The host, Patricia Wells, who had been conducting music interviews for 12 years and understood the difference between the performance of conversation and actual conversation, said that at approximately the 9-minute mark, something shifted in the studio. That the formal interview, architecture dissolved, and what replaced it was something less structured and more genuine.
Bob Dylan and Keith Richards talked about influence and originality and the blues and what it meant to build on a tradition without being consumed by it. They talked about specific recordings and specific musicians with the specificity of two people who had spent their entire adult lives thinking about these things and rarely found another person who had thought about them with equivalent care.
They talked about where music came from and where music was going and whether those two questions were actually one question or two. Patricia Wells said afterward that she had asked approximately four questions in the remaining 42 minutes because Bob Dylan and Keith Richards did not require questions. They required only a room and a camera and the shared understanding that what they were saying together was worth recording carefully.
She said it was the best interview she had ever conducted and that she had conducted the smallest part of it. After the program, Bob Dylan and Keith Richards were in the corridor outside the studio when the host Patricia Wells passed them. Patricia Wells said she did not stop because she did not want to interrupt.
She observed them for approximately 30 seconds from a distance. She said they were talking with the ease of people who had known each other for years rather than people who had met for the first time 2 hours earlier. She said that something had shifted between them during the broadcast that the broadcast had made permanent rather than temporary.
She continued down the corridor and did not look back. She said in her account of that evening that she had decided in that moment not to interrupt the conversation because some conversations are more valuable than any question a journalist might ask and that the conversation she had observed for 30 seconds in the corridor outside the studio was one of them.
She had been a music journalist for 12 years. She recognized the difference. Bob Dylan and Keith Richards have maintained their friendship across four decades. They have appeared together at various events, most significantly at the concert for the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame in 1995, where people who were present described them as inseparable for most of the evening, occupying the same corner of the backstage area and talking with the concentrated attention of people who only have a limited amount of time together and intend to use it
well. Bob Dylan has spoken about Keith Richards in interviews with the specific thoughtful care that Bob Dylan reserves for musicians whose work Bob Dylan considers genuinely important rather than merely culturally prominent. Keith Richards has spoken about Bob Dylan in similar terms with the specific respect of someone who recognizes in another person a commitment to music that goes deeper than career.
Neither Bob Dylan nor Keith Richards has made a public statement specifically about how the friendship began or about the November 1986 interview. Bob Dylan has not mentioned the 11 seconds. Keith Richards has not mentioned the sentence. The interview exists in the archive. The 11 seconds are there. The laugh is there. The two words are there.
What is also there for anyone who watches the interview from its beginning and pays attention to the shift that happens at the 9-minute mark is the specific moment when two people who thought they were appearing on a television program discovered they were actually talking to each other. What Keith Richards said in that one sentence has never been officially reported.
The people who were in the studio that evening, Gerald Sherman, Patricia Wells, the floor crew, the two camera operators, the makeup artist who was watching from the side of the set, have described the sentence in consistent terms. They have described its effect. They have described Bob Dylan’s laugh and Bob Dylan’s silence and Bob Dylan’s two words.
They have not repeated the sentence itself in the specific understanding that the sentence was said between two musicians on a television program and that its power resided in the specific context of that exchange and would not survive removal from it intact. What can be said is this. Keith Richards said something to Bob Dylan about Bob Dylan’s music that used Bob Dylan’s own observation about Keith Richards as its starting point and arrived somewhere that Bob Dylan had not anticipated.
Keith Richards turned Bob Dylan’s assessment 90° and showed Bob Dylan something about the music they had both spent their lives making that Bob Dylan recognized immediately as true. And Bob Dylan said, “You’re right.” Two words said by Bob Dylan in public on live television in 1986 to Keith Richards in response to a single sentence Keith Richards had said about music.
Two words that Gerald Sherman, who had worked with Bob Dylan on two previous occasions, said he had never heard Bob Dylan say in a public forum. Two words that Patricia Wells, who had been interviewing musicians for 12 years, said were the most significant two words she had heard in those 12 years. Not because of their content, but because of who said them and what it cost to say them and what it meant that Keith Richards had produced them in 11 seconds from a conversation that began with Bob Dylan calling Keith Richards’s music derivative. And Keith Richards and
Bob Dylan have been close friends for nearly 40 years. The sentence did its work in 11 seconds on the evening of November 3rd, 1986. The work has been ongoing ever since. If this story moved you, subscribe and leave a comment below. Have you ever said something to someone that turned a potential disagreement into an unexpected and lasting connection? Tell us about it in the comments below.
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