Why JFK Tried to Force AIPAC to Register as a Foreign Agent HT

 

In 1962, the United States Department of Justice opened an investigation into the American Zionist Council, the parent organization of what would become the American Israel Public Affairs Committee known as Apac. The investigation was authorized by Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy, brother of President John F.

Kennedy. The purpose of the investigation was to determine whether the American Zionist Council was operating as an unregistered agent of a foreign government, specifically the government of Israel. The Foreign Agents Registration Act passed by Congress in 1938 requires any person or organization acting on behalf of a foreign government to register with the Department of Justice.

 Registration requires disclosure of funding sources, activities, and materials distributed on behalf of the foreign government. It restricts certain political activities, and it requires that any materials distributed be labeled as coming from a foreign agent. The Justice Department investigation found evidence that the American Zionist Council was receiving funding from the Israeli government, was coordinating its activities with Israeli officials, and was operating to advance the interests of the Israeli government within the United States. Based on this evidence,

the Kennedy administration moved toward requiring the American Zionist Council to register as a foreign agent. Then on November 22nd, 1963, President Kennedy was assassinated. Lynden Johnson became president and within months, the investigation into the American Zionist Council was quietly dropped.

 The organization was never required to register as a foreign agent, and to this day, Apac operates as a domestic lobbying organization, not subject to the restrictions that apply to foreign agents. This is the story of why John F. Kennedy’s Justice Department investigated the Israel lobby, what they found, why registration as a Foreign Agent would have changed everything, and how that effort died with Kennedy.

 Let’s begin by understanding what the Foreign Agents Registration Act requires and why it matters. The Foreign Agents Registration Act known as FAR was passed in 1938. The original purpose was to counter Nazi propaganda in the United States. The law requires that anyone acting as an agent of a foreign principle, meaning a foreign government or foreign political party, must register with the Department of Justice.

 Registration requires detailed disclosure. A registered foreign agent must report who is paying them, how much they are being paid, what activities they are conducting, and what materials they are distributing. Any materials distributed, pamphlets, advertisements, lobbying documents must be labeled as coming from a foreign agent.

 This allows the American public to know when they are being exposed to foreign government propaganda or influence. Registered foreign agents also face restrictions. They cannot make campaign contributions to US political candidates. Their lobbying activities are monitored and their status as foreign agents is public information. Many countries employ registered foreign agents in Washington.

 Saudi Arabia has registered lobbyists. So do Turkey, the United Arab Emirates, China, and dozens of other countries. These lobbyists work to influence US policy on behalf of their foreign government clients and they do so within the legal framework of Farah registration. But one country has a massive lobbying operation in Washington that has never registered under Farah, Israel.

 And the organization at the center of Israel’s lobbying efforts is Apac. Apac describes itself as a domestic organization representing American citizens who support Israel. It claims to be funded by American donors, not by the Israeli government. It argues that it lobbies on behalf of Americans, not on behalf of Israel.

 And on this basis, Apac has never registered as a foreign agent. But in 1962, the Kennedy administration began investigating whether this description was accurate. The investigation focused on the American Zionist Council, which was Apac’s parent organization at the time. The American Zionist Council was an umbrella group that coordinated various pro-Israel organizations in the United States.

 APAC itself had been established in 1953 as the lobbying arm of this network. Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy authorized the investigation. The Justice Department assigned lawyers to examine the American Zionist Council’s funding sources, its communications with Israeli officials, and its activities in the United States. The investigation lasted from 1962 through 1963.

What the investigation found was documented in internal Justice Department memos and files. These files, which have since been declassified and are available through the National Archives, show that Justice Department lawyers concluded the American Zionist Council was acting as an agent of the Israeli government.

 The evidence included financial records showing that the American Zionist Council received funds that originated with the Jewish Agency, a quasi governmental organization in Israel, closely tied to the Israeli government. [snorts] The evidence included correspondence between American Zionist Council officials and Israeli government officials coordinating messaging and lobbying strategy.

 And the evidence included testimony and documents showing that the American Zionist Council’s activities were directed toward advancing Israeli government policy objectives in the United States. Based on this evidence, Justice Department lawyers prepared to require the American Zionist Council to register under the Foreign Agents Registration Act.

 Registration would have had significant consequences. The American Zionist Council and Apac would have been required to disclose their ties to the Israeli government. They would have been prohibited from making political contributions. Their lobbying materials would have had to be labeled as coming from a foreign agent and their activities would have been subject to monitoring and restrictions.

More broadly, registration would have changed the political perception of the Israel lobby. A registered foreign agent operates with a different level of legitimacy than a domestic organization. Politicians are more cautious about being seen as influenced by foreign agents. Donors are less willing to fund organizations labeled as foreign operations and the public views foreign propaganda differently than domestic advocacy.

The Israeli government and pro-Israel organizations in the United States fought the registration requirement. Israeli officials raised the issue with Kennedy administration officials, arguing that registration would be unfair and would harm USIsrael relations. American Jewish leaders lobbied against registration, arguing that it would stigmatize support for Israel and could encourage anti-semitism by suggesting that American Jews were acting on behalf of a foreign government rather than expressing their own views.

The Kennedy administration faced political pressure. JewishAmerican voters and donors were important to the Democratic Party. Forcing the Israel lobby to register as a foreign agent would create political difficulties for Kennedy. But the Kennedy administration did not back down. The investigation continued throughout 1962 and 1963.

Justice Department lawyers continued building the case and the evidence kept pointing in the same direction. >> [snorts] >> The American Zionist Council was functioning as an agent of the Israeli government. The investigation into the American Zionist Council was not the only point of tension between the Kennedy administration and Israel or its American supporters.

 There were two other major policy disagreements during Kennedy’s presidency. The first was Israel’s nuclear weapons program. In 1960, American intelligence discovered that Israel was building a nuclear reactor at Deona in the Negev Desert. The CIA concluded that the reactor was designed to produce plutonium for nuclear weapons.

 Kennedy opposed nuclear proliferation. He did not want Israel to acquire nuclear weapons. From 1961 through 1963, Kennedy pressured Israel to allow American inspectors full access to the Deona facility. Israel resisted. On May 18th, 1963, Kennedy sent a strongly worded letter to Israeli Prime Minister David Bengurian stating that the US commitment to Israel could be seriously jeopardized unless Israel agreed to full inspections.

 The pressure was intense. The second disagreement was over Palestinian refugees. Approximately 700,000 Palestinians had become refugees during the 1948 Arab-Israeli war. Kennedy believed that resolving the refugee crisis was essential to achieving peace in the Middle East. In 1961, Kennedy appointed Joseph Johnson as a special envoy to develop a plan for allowing refugees to return to their homes or receive compensation.

 Israel rejected the plan. Kennedy continued to pressure Israel on the refugee issue throughout 1962 and 1963. So by 1963, the Kennedy administration was in conflict with Israel and its American lobby on three fronts. The demand that the American Zionist Council register as a foreign agent, the demand for full inspections of Israel’s nuclear program, and the push for a resolution of the Palestinian refugee issue.

 From the perspective of Israel and the American Zionist Council, Kennedy was the most challenging American president they had faced. Earlier presidents had been supportive of Israel, but had not pressured Israel on major policy issues. Truman had recognized Israel in 1948. Eisenhower had forced Israel to withdraw from Sinai in 1957, but that was a one-time crisis response, not sustained pressure on fundamental issues.

 Kennedy was different. Kennedy was applying sustained pressure on multiple issues simultaneously, and Kennedy was not backing down despite political pressure from pro-Israel groups. Then came November 22nd, 1963. Kennedy was assassinated in Dallas, Texas. Lynden Baines Johnson became president.

 Johnson’s approach to Israel was completely different from Kennedy’s. Johnson was personally sympathetic to Israel. He had relationships with Jewish American leaders going back decades. And Johnson’s political advisers emphasized that supporting Israel without qualification brought political benefits. Within weeks and months of Johnson taking office, the Kennedy administration’s policies toward Israel changed.

 The investigation into the American Zionist Council was quietly dropped. No public announcement was made. The Justice Department simply stopped pursuing the case. The American Zionist Council was never required to register as a foreign agent. The pressure on Israel’s nuclear program also ended. Johnson did not send threatening letters to Israeli leaders about Deona.

 American inspections of the facility continued, but became pro-forma. Israel was allowed to complete its nuclear weapons program without serious American opposition. By 1966 or 1967, Israel had nuclear weapons. The push for a resolution of the Palestinian refugee issue was abandoned. Johnson never revived the Joseph Johnson mission.

 He never pressured Israel to accept refugee return or compensation. The issue disappeared from American diplomacy. In short, all three of Kennedy’s major points of pressure on Israel ended when Johnson became president and the organization that Kennedy had tried to force to register as a foreign agent was allowed to continue operating without registration.

Why did Johnson drop the foreign agent investigation? There is no single document that explains the decision. Johnson never publicly addressed it, but the pattern is clear. Johnson wanted good relations with Israel and with pro-Israel groups in the United States. Forcing the American Zionist Council to register as a foreign agent would have created conflict.

 Dropping the investigation avoided conflict and politically there was no cost to dropping it. Palestinian refugees had no political power in the United States. Arabs had no lobby. The only organized political force on Middle East issues was the pro-Israel lobby. So Johnson’s political incentives all pointed in one direction.

 [snorts] The American Zionist Council responded to the end of the investigation by restructuring. In 1963, shortly after Kennedy’s death, the American Zionist Council spun off Apac as a separate entity. Apac became the primary pro-Israel lobbying organization in Washington. The American Zionist Council itself eventually dissolved, but Apac continued and grew and became one of the most powerful lobbying organizations in Washington.

Apac’s power grew steadily from the 1960s onward. It developed a sophisticated operation. It tracks every congressional vote related to Israel. It grades members of Congress on their support for Israel. It mobilizes donors to support pro-Israel candidates and to fund primary challengers against members of Congress who criticize Israel.

 It holds an annual policy conference that draws thousands of attendees, including most members of Congress and every serious presidential candidate. Apac’s effectiveness is visible in the legislative record. Legislation supporting Israel passes Congress by overwhelming margins. Bills providing aid to Israel pass with 90% or higher support.

 Resolutions supporting Israeli military actions pass nearly unanimously. Resolutions criticizing Israel rarely even get a vote. And for decades, no member of Congress could be elected president without expressing strong support for Israel and appearing at Apac’s conference. Apac operates openly. It is not a secret organization. It publishes its positions.

 It advertises its influence. And it is legal. Lobbying is protected by the First Amendment. There’s nothing inherently wrong with a lobbying organization advocating for a foreign country as long as it operates within the law. But the question Kennedy raised remains, is Apac operating on behalf of a foreign government? And if so, should it be registered as a foreign agent? The evidence that Apac works closely with the Israeli government is extensive.

Israeli prime ministers address Apac’s annual conference. Israeli officials coordinate with Apac on lobbying strategy. Apac’s policy positions align with Israeli government positions. When Israel wants Congress to pass legislation, Apac mobilizes to make it happen. Critics argue that this makes Apac a de facto agent of the Israeli government and that it should be required to register under FAR just as lobbyists for Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and other countries must register.

Supporters of Apac argue that it represents American citizens who support Israel, that its funding comes from American donors, and that it is therefore a domestic organization exercising Americans First Amendment rights. The question has never been resolved in court. The Justice Department under Johnson dropped the investigation and no subsequent administration has reopened it.

 Apac has never been required to register. But the consequences of non-registration are significant. If Apac were registered as a foreign agent, it would face restrictions on political contributions and would have to label its materials as coming from a foreign agent. More importantly, the public and politicians would perceive it differently.

 A registered foreign agent has less legitimacy than a domestic advocacy group. Politicians are more cautious about associating with registered foreign agents, and voters are more skeptical of arguments made by organizations labeled as foreign propaganda operations. By avoiding registration, Apac has been able to operate as a domestic political force rather than as a foreign lobby.

 This has made it far more effective. And it is this effectiveness that has shaped American policy toward Israel for more than 60 years. Every American president since Lynden Johnson has maintained unconditional support for Israel. [snorts] Every president has provided Israel with billions of dollars in aid. Every president has protected Israel diplomatically at the United Nations.

Every president has refused to pressure Israel on the occupation of Palestinian territories, on settlements, or on Palestinian rights. This consistency across administrations, across parties, and across different global circumstances suggests that forces beyond electoral politics are at work. And one of those forces is Apac.

 Apac ensures that candidates who support Israel receive funding and political support. It ensures that candidates who criticize Israel face well-funded challenggers. and it ensures that once in office, presidents and members of Congress continue to support Israel or face political consequences. This is not a conspiracy.

 This is how lobbying works in American politics. Apac is open about its goals and its methods. The difference is that most foreign governments that want to influence American policy must operate through registered foreign agents subject to disclosure and restrictions. Israel’s lobby operates without those constraints. John F. Kennedy tried to change that.

His Justice Department investigated the American Zionist Council and concluded it was acting as an agent of the Israeli government. Kennedy moved toward requiring registration and then Kennedy was killed. Did the foreign agent investigation contribute to Kennedy’s assassination? There is no evidence of that.

 The official investigation concluded that Lee Harvey Oswald acted alone. Conspiracy theories abound, but none have been proven. What is clear is that Kennedy’s policies toward Israel were very different from every president before and after him. And the investigation into the Israel lobby was one of several points of conflict between Kennedy and pro-Israel forces.

After Kennedy died, the investigation died with him and Apac became what it is today, the most powerful foreign policy lobbying organization in Washington, operating without the registration requirements that apply to lobbyists for every other country. The Foreign Agents Registration Act still exists.

 It is still enforced. In recent years, the Justice Department has prosecuted several individuals and organizations for failing to register as foreign agents. Former Trump campaign chairman Paul Maniffort was convicted in part for unregistered foreign agent activity on behalf of Ukraine. Other cases have involved Turkey, China, and various other countries, but AIPAC has never been required to register.

 The question Kennedy raised in 1962 remains unanswered and American policy toward Israel remains unchanged regardless of which party controls the presidency or Congress. This is the story of why John F. Kennedy tried to force the Israel lobby to register as a foreign agent and why that effort died with him. Disclaimer.

 This video presents historical events based on declassified Justice Department documents, National Archives records, foreign agents registration act files, and documented research by scholars including Grant F. Smith and others. This content is for educational purposes.