Why LBJ Put the Man JFK Fired in Charge of His Murder (Allen Dulles) DD

This isn’t a conspiracy theory. This is documented history. And what Alan Dulles did on the Warren Commission, how he controlled the flow of information, how he concealed evidence, how he steered the investigation away from the CIA, reveals something darker than incompetence. It reveals a coverup orchestrated by the one man who had the motive, the means, and the access to ensure certain truths about Kennedy’s death would never see daylight.

If you want to understand how the official investigation into JFK’s assassination was compromised from day one, hit that like button and subscribe because this isn’t just about Kennedy’s murder. It’s about who controls the narrative when the powerful die. To understand why Alan Dulles’s appointment to the Warren Commission was so sinister, you need to understand who Alan Dulles was.

He wasn’t just a former CIA director. He was the CIA. He built it. He shaped it. He made it into the most powerful intelligence agency in the world, Alan Welsh Dulles. Born 1893 into a family of American diplomatic aristocracy. His grandfather was Secretary of State. His uncle was Secretary of State. His brother, John Foster Dulles, would become Secretary of State under Eisenhower.

The Dulles family was American foreign policy for half a century. Allan joined the foreign service and became a spy. During World War II, he ran intelligence operations in Switzerland, recruiting Nazi officers, building networks that would later become the foundation of the CIA. After the war, when the CIA was created in 1947, Dulles became one of its architects.

In 1953, President Eisenhower appointed him director of central intelligence. For the next eight years, Dulles transformed the CIA from an intelligence gathering agency into an operational force that toppled governments. Iran 1953, Dulles orchestrated the overthrow of democratically elected Prime Minister Muhammad Mosad, who had nationalized Iran’s oil industry.

The CIA staged protests, bribed officials, and installed the Sha. It worked perfectly. Guatemala, 1954. When President Jacobo Arben threatened United Fruit Company’s land holdings, Dulles organized a coup. CIA trained forces invaded. Arbenz fled. Another success. Dulles believed in covert action. He believed the CIA should operate in the shadows, doing things elected officials couldn’t publicly authorize.

He believed in plausible deniability. The president should be able to claim ignorance of CIA operations if they were exposed. and he believed that intelligence professionals, not elected politicians, should determine America’s real foreign policy. By 1961, when John F. Kennedy became president, Alan Dulles was the most powerful unelected official in the United States government.

He reported to the president, but in practice, he operated independently. He controlled secrets. He controlled operations. He controlled the narrative. And then he met a president who refused to be controlled. John F. Kennedy and Alan Dulles were destined to clash. They represented opposite world views. Kennedy, young, 43 years old at inauguration, idealistic, skeptical of cold war orthodoxy, believed in diplomacy and negotiation, wanted to rethink America’s relationship with the Soviet Union and the developing world.

Dulles old, 68 years old, a true believer in the Cold War, convinced that communism was an existential threat, believed the only language the Soviets understood was force, saw compromise as weakness. The collision happened in April 1961. The Bay of Pigs, as we covered in a previous video, the Bay of Pigs invasion was a CIA operation designed to overthrow Fidel Castro.

The plan was developed under Eisenhower, but Kennedy inherited it. Dulles assured Kennedy it would succeed. He told Kennedy the Cuban people would rise up against Castro. He told Kennedy American involvement could remain covert. All of it was lies, or at least catastrophically wrong assessments. The invasion failed spectacularly.

One 400 Cuban exiles were killed or captured. Castro’s regime was strengthened. America was humiliated on the world stage and Kennedy realized he had been deceived. Kennedy was furious. He felt the CIA had lied to him, had presented him with overly optimistic intelligence, had trapped him into approving an operation designed to fail without full US military support.

Kennedy summoned Dulles to the Oval Office. The conversation was tense. Kennedy wanted to know how the CIA could have been so wrong. Dulles had no good answers. He blamed Kennedy for cancelling air strikes. He blamed Kennedy for refusing to send in the Marines. But Kennedy blamed Dulles. And Kennedy made a decision that would change history.

In September 1961, Kennedy asked for Dulles’s resignation. Publicly, it was described as a retirement. Dulles was 68, a reasonable age to step down, but everyone in Washington knew the truth. Kennedy had fired him. Kennedy told friends, “I want to splinter the shield CIA into a thousand pieces and scatter it to the winds.

” For Alan Dulles, this was not just the end of a career. It was a humiliation. He had spent 8 years building the CIA into the most powerful agency in government. He had toppled governments. He had shaped American foreign policy. And now a young president, a man Dulles privately referred to as that little Kennedy boy, had forced him out.

Dulles left the CIA, but he didn’t leave Washington, and he didn’t stop working. After his forced resignation, Alan Dulles remained in Washington, DC. He maintained his connections. He kept his security clearance. He continued to meet with CIA officers, his former subordinates, now running operations without him. This is where the story gets strange.

Dulles had been fired. He no longer held any official position. Yet, he continued to receive briefings about ongoing CIA operations. He continued to advise current CIA leadership. He continued to be treated as an elder statesman of the intelligence community. Why would the CIA brief a fired director? Because Alan Dulles knew too much.

He knew about operations that were still classified. He knew about relationships with foreign intelligence services. He knew about covert actions that could never be made public. Cutting Dulles out completely would have been dangerous. He could write a memoir, give interviews, reveal secrets. So the CIA kept Dulles close.

They briefed him. They consulted him. They made sure he he remained part of the club. But Dulles was bitter. Friends and colleagues later recalled that he resented Kennedy deeply. He believed Kennedy had been weak during the Bay of Pigs. He believed Kennedy didn’t understand the communist threat. He believed Kennedy was naive about the Soviets.

In private conversations, Dulles would criticize Kennedy’s policies, the nuclear test ban treaty, weakness, the peace speech at American University, appeasement, the decision not to invade Cuba during the missile crisis, cowardice. Dulles wasn’t alone in these views. Much of the CIA, particularly the covert operations directorate, shared his contempt for Kennedy.

They saw Kennedy’s attempts to control the agency as interference. They saw his foreign policy as dangerously soft on communism. And then on November 22nd, 1963, Kennedy was killed. The assassination of President Kennedy created an immediate crisis. Who killed him? Was it a conspiracy? Was it the Soviets? Was it Castro? Was it domestic extremists? The new president, Lynden B.

Johnson, faced enormous pressure to establish the facts quickly. Rumors were spreading. Conspiracy theories were emerging. Johnson needed to reassure the American public and the world that the government had the situation under control. On November 29th, one week after the assassination, Johnson announced the creation of a presidential commission to investigate Kennedy’s death.

It would be chaired by Chief Justice Earl Warren and include six other prominent Americans. One of those six was Alan Dulles. Johnson’s stated rationale was that Dulles’s experience as CIA director would be valuable in investigating potential foreign involvement. Dulles knew how intelligence agencies operated. He could evaluate whether the Soviets or Cubans had been involved.

But this reasoning was deeply flawed. If the CIA itself was involved, or if CIA operations had somehow created the circumstances for Kennedy’s death, then having a former CIA director on the commission was a catastrophic conflict of interest. It would be like appointing a former police chief who had been fired by the mayor to investigate the mayor’s murder.

Even if the police chief wasn’t personally involved, he would have every incentive to protect the department and every reason to resent the victim. Yet Johnson appointed him anyway and Dulles accepted. Why did Dulles accept? He was 70 years old, supposedly retired. He could have declined. He could have said his presence would create the appearance of impropriy.

Instead, Dulles threw himself into the work with remarkable energy. He attended more Warren Commission meetings than almost any other member. He questioned witnesses. He reviewed evidence. He wrote memos. But what Dulles was really doing was controlling the investigation. From the beginning, Alan Dulles positioned himself as the Warren Commission’s expert on intelligence matters.

Whenever questions arose about the CIA, about covert operations, about possible foreign connections, Dulles was the authority, and that gave him enormous power. Here’s how it worked. The Warren Commission needed information from the CIA, documents, records, intelligence assessments. The CIA would provide this information to the commission.

But before it reached the other commissioners, it went through Alan Dulles. Dulles reviewed CIA materials. He interpreted them for his fellow commissioners, most of whom had no intelligence experience. He explained what was important and what wasn’t. He guided their understanding of CIA operations and capabilities.

In effect, Dulles became the filter between the CIA and the investigation. The fox was guarding the hen house. But it gets worse. There were secrets Dulles knew. Secrets he had created during his time as director that he deliberately concealed from his fellow commissioners. The most significant operation mongoose and the CIA mafia plots to assassinate Fidel Castro.

During Dulles’s tenure as CIA director and continuing after his departure, the CIA had been actively trying to kill Castro. They had recruited members of the American mafia, organized crime figures to carry out assassination attempts. They had developed poison pills, exploding cigars, poisoned wets suits. The CIA had been engaged in state sponsored assassination attempts against a foreign leader. This was explosive information.

If the Warren Commission had known that the CIA was trying to kill Castro, they would have investigated whether Castro had retaliated by killing Kennedy. They would have examined Oswald’s connections to pro- Castro groups. They would have questioned whether the CIA’s assassination plots had somehow triggered Kennedy’s death.

But Alan Dulles never told them. In Warren Commission meetings, when other members asked about possible CIA involvement with anti-Castro Cuban exiles, Dulles assured them there was nothing significant. When they asked about CIA operations against Cuba, Dulles downplayed the AY’s activities. He lied by omission.

He withheld the most relevant information. And because he was the intelligence expert, the other commissioners believed him. Years later, when the CIA mafia plots were finally exposed in the 1970s during the Church Committee hearings, investigators were shocked that Dulles had concealed this information from the Warren Commission.

It was a clear conflict of interest. It suggested Dulles had been protecting the CIA rather than seeking the truth about Kennedy’s death. But by then, the Warren report had been published. The official narrative was set. Lee Harvey Oswald acting alone killed President Kennedy. No conspiracy, no CIA involvement.

Case closed and Alan Dulles had made sure of it. Throughout the Warren Commission’s investigation, one theory dominated. Lee Harvey Oswald acted alone. This wasn’t the only possible explanation. There was evidence of Oswald’s connections to anti-Castro Cubans. There was evidence of strange coincidences and suspicious characters around Oswald in the months before the assassination.

There were witnesses who claimed to have seen other shooters in Di Plaza, but the commission focused on the lone gunman theory. And the person who pushed this theory hardest was Alan Dulles. Dulles brought books to Warren Commission meetings, books about political assassins, books about delusional individuals who killed political leaders.

He distributed these books to other commissioners, suggesting they should understand Oswald as a disturbed loner, not as part of a conspiracy. He was particularly fond of a book about European political assassinations that argued most political murders were committed by mentally unstable individuals acting alone, not by organized conspiracies.

Dulles’s message to the other commissioners was clear. Oswald fits the profile of a lone assassin. He was unstable. He had delusions of grandeur. He wanted to make history. This is typical behavior. There’s no need to look for a conspiracy. But this narrative served a purpose beyond understanding Oswald. It protected the CIA.

If Oswald was a lone nut, then there was no conspiracy to investigate. No need to examine CIA operations. No need to question whether the intelligence community’s war against Castro had somehow created the circumstances for Kennedy’s death. The lone gunman theory was the safest theory for the CIA, and Alan Dulles made sure it became the official conclusion.

While serving on the Warren Commission, Alan Dulles maintained close contact with current CIA leadership. He had dinners with CIA director John McCon, the man Kennedy had appointed to replace him. He met with Richard Helms, the CIA’s deputy director for plans, who oversaw covert operations.

These meetings were not secret, but they were inappropriate. Dulles was supposed to be investigating the CIA’s potential involvement in Kennedy’s death. Instead, he was socializing with the AY’s current leadership. It would be like a juror in a criminal trial having dinner with the defendant every weekend. Other Warren Commission members didn’t know the full extent of Dulles’s ongoing CIA connections. They trusted him.

They saw him as an experienced intelligence professional who could help them navigate complex questions about espionage and foreign involvement. They didn’t realize Dulles was coordinating with the agency he was supposed to be investigating. In one particularly revealing moment, Warren Commission staff attorney Wesley Leebeler later recalled being surprised to learn that Dulles had met with CIA officials to discuss what information the agency should provide to the commission.

Lebler felt this was a conflict of interest. Dulles should have been demanding information, not negotiating with the CIA about what to turn over. But by the time Leebeler raised these concerns, the investigation was largely complete. On September 24th, 1964, the Warren Commission released its final report, 888 pages, 26 volumes of supporting documents.

The conclusion, Lee Harvey Oswald, acting alone, killed President John F. Kennedy. No credible evidence of a conspiracy, no foreign government involvement, no CIA involvement. It was exactly the conclusion Alan Dulles wanted. The CIA was cleared. The lone gunman narrative prevailed. The investigation was closed. But in reaching this conclusion, the Warren Commission ignored evidence, dismissed witnesses, and failed to pursue obvious leads.

They didn’t investigate Jack Ruby’s organized crime connections thoroughly. They didn’t examine the CIA’s anti-Castro operations. They didn’t question the strange coincidences surrounding Oswald. Why? Because Alan Dulles guided them away from those inquiries. Every time the investigation threatened to expose CIA operations, Dulles was there to redirect, to downplay, to assure his fellow commissioners there was nothing to see.

Chief Justice Warren later expressed frustration that the commission couldn’t access all CIA files. He felt the agency had not been fully cooperative. But Warren didn’t know that his fellow commissioner Alan Dulles was the reason for that lack of cooperation. Dulles was protecting his former agency.

The Warren Report became the official history of Kennedy’s assassination. For many Americans, it settled the question. But for others, the report raised more questions than it answered. Within a few years, polls showed that most Americans didn’t believe Oswald acted alone. The Warren Commission’s credibility problems stemmed largely from its failure to investigate obvious leads in its too quick dismissal of conspiracy theories.

And much of that failure can be traced directly to Alan Dulles’s influence. Alan Dulles died in 1969, 6 years after Kennedy’s assassination. He never publicly admitted to concealing information from the Warren Commission. He never acknowledged the conflict of interest his appointment represented. But in the 1970s, the truth began to emerge.

The Church Committee, a Senate investigation into intelligence agency abuses, uncovered the CIA mafia plots to kill Castro. They discovered that Alan Dulles had known about these plots and had concealed them from the Warren Commission. Senator Richard Schwiker, a member of the Church Committee, was stunned.

He said, “I think Alan Dulles’s presence on the Warren Commission was a conflict of interest from the very beginning. He had a duty to tell the commission about the plots to kill Castro. His failure to do so was a cover up. The revelation that the CIA had been trying to assassinate Castro while Oswald, a Castro sympathizer, was supposedly planning to kill Kennedy was explosive.

It suggested a possible motive for Castro to retaliate. It raised questions about whether CIA operations had inadvertently put Kennedy in danger, but the Warren Commission never investigated this because Alan Dulles never told them it existed. In 1977, Richard Helms, the CIA officer who had overseen the Castro assassination plots, testified before Congress.

He was asked why the CIA didn’t inform the Warren Commission about Operation Mongoose. Helms replied that he assumed Dulles would handle it. After all, Dulles knew about the plots. He had authorized them when he was director. But Dulles didn’t handle it. He buried it. The House Select Committee on Assassinations, which reinvestigated Kennedy’s death in the late 1970s, concluded that Alan Dulles’s presence on the Warren Commission, had been problematic.

They noted that his failure to disclose relevant CIA operations may have impeded the commission’s investigation. That’s government language for Alan Dulles sabotage the investigation. Did Alan Dulles have Kennedy killed? There’s no evidence of that. No documents, no confessions, no credible witnesses. But did Alan Dulles ensure that certain truths about Kennedy’s death would never be officially investigated? Absolutely. Consider his motives.

Motive one, protecting the CIA. Dulles had built the agency. He had authorized operations that would have scandalized the American public if exposed. If a thorough investigation revealed CIA plots to assassinate foreign leaders, the agency would have been dismantled. Dulles couldn’t allow that. Motive two, protecting himself.

If the Warren Commission discovered that CIA operations, operations Dulles had authorized, had created circumstances that led to Kennedy’s death, Dulles himself would have been implicated. his legacy would have been ruined. Motive three, personal animosity. Dulles hated Kennedy. Kennedy had humiliated him. Kennedy had threatened to destroy the CIA.

Even if Dulles didn’t kill Kennedy, he had no interest in helping Kennedy’s family find justice. Why would Dulles want the truth if the truth might vindicate Kennedy’s concerns about the CIA? Dulles’s appointment to the Warren Commission was either the most incompetent decision in presidential history or it was a deliberate move to ensure the investigation would be controlled by someone with a vested interest in the outcome.

Either way, it guaranteed that the American people would never learn the full truth about November 22nd, 1963. Picture this. A president fires the head of the CIA. Two years later, that president is murdered. One week after that, the fired CIA director is appointed to investigate the murder. If this were fiction, you’d call it unbelievable. But it’s history.

Alan Dulles spent 10 months on the Warren Commission. He attended hearings. He questioned witnesses. He reviewed evidence. And at every step, he protected the CIA, concealed relevant operations, and steered the investigation toward the conclusion he wanted. Lone gunman. No conspiracy. Case closed.

Was Dulles part of a conspiracy to kill Kennedy? We don’t know. Probably not. The evidence doesn’t support that. But was Dulles part of a conspiracy to cover up the truth about Kennedy’s death? Absolutely. The evidence is overwhelming. Dulles concealed the CIA mafia plots to kill Castro, information that would have completely changed the investigation’s direction.

He maintained inappropriate contact with current CIA leadership while supposedly investigating the agency. He pushed the lone gunman theory and discouraged inquiry into conspiracy possibilities. He used his position as intelligence expert to filter what information reached the other commissioners. Alan Dulles didn’t investigate Kennedy’s murder. He managed it. He controlled it.

He ensured the official narrative would protect the institution he had built and the secrets he had created. The man Kennedy fired became the man who wrote Kennedy’s epitap. And in doing so, Dulles had his revenge. Kennedy wanted to splinter the CIA into a thousand pieces. Instead, Dulles ensured the CIA would survive Kennedy’s death intact, its secrets protected, its power preserved.

The Warren report became the official history. But it wasn’t history. It was a cover story crafted in part by the one man who had the most reason to obscure the truth. And we’re still living with the consequences. The distrust of government institutions, the conspiracy theories that never die, the questions that remain unanswered.

All of it traces back to the moment Lynden Johnson made the catastrophic decision to appoint Alan Dulles to investigate the death of the man Dulles hated. History doesn’t repeat, but it rhymes. And every time you see a government investigation where the investigators have conflicts of interest, where evidence is concealed, where official narratives don’t match common sense, remember Alan Dulles? Remember the man who turned an investigation into a coverup? If this story disturbs you, good. It should. Hit that like button to

make sure more people see this truth. Subscribe because we’re going to keep digging into the moments when power protects itself at the expense of justice. Comment below. Do you think Dulles should have been on the Warren Commission? Could Kennedy’s murder have been solved if Dulles hadn’t been there? And what other investigations in history were compromised by conflicts of interest? Your engagement keeps these uncomfortable truths alive because the powerful count on us forgetting.

They count on us moving on. They count on history fading into myth. We won’t let that happen. Thank you for watching. The truth is complicated, but the cover-ups are always simple. Put the fox in charge of the hen house and call it an investigation. Remember, the man JFK fired was put in charge of his murder. That’s not conspiracy theory.

That’s conspiracy

November 29th, 1963, 7 days after President Kennedy’s assassination, the White House. President Lyndon B. Johnson announces the formation of a commission to investigate the murder of John F. Kennedy. The Warren Commission. Seven men tasked with finding the truth about who killed the president and why. Johnson reads the names.

Chief Justice Earl Warren will chair the commission. Senator Richard Russell, Congressman Gerald Ford, former CIA director Alan Dulles. Wait, go back. Allan Dulles. The same Allen Dulles that Kennedy fired two years earlier. The same Allen Dulles who blamed Kennedy for the Bay of Pigs disaster. The same Allen Dulles who Kennedy humiliated by forcing him to resign from the most powerful intelligence position in the world.

The man who had every reason to hate John F. Kennedy was now going to investigate his murder. Think about that for a moment. Imagine if the detective investigating your murder was someone you had publicly fired, someone whose career you had destroyed, someone who referred to you in private conversations as that little Kennedy boy.

This isn’t a conspiracy theory. This is documented history. And what Alan Dulles did on the Warren Commission, how he controlled the flow of information, how he concealed evidence, how he steered the investigation away from the CIA, reveals something darker than incompetence. It reveals a coverup orchestrated by the one man who had the motive, the means, and the access to ensure certain truths about Kennedy’s death would never see daylight.

If you want to understand how the official investigation into JFK’s assassination was compromised from day one, hit that like button and subscribe because this isn’t just about Kennedy’s murder. It’s about who controls the narrative when the powerful die. To understand why Alan Dulles’s appointment to the Warren Commission was so sinister, you need to understand who Alan Dulles was.

He wasn’t just a former CIA director. He was the CIA. He built it. He shaped it. He made it into the most powerful intelligence agency in the world, Alan Welsh Dulles. Born 1893 into a family of American diplomatic aristocracy. His grandfather was Secretary of State. His uncle was Secretary of State. His brother, John Foster Dulles, would become Secretary of State under Eisenhower.

The Dulles family was American foreign policy for half a century. Allan joined the foreign service and became a spy. During World War II, he ran intelligence operations in Switzerland, recruiting Nazi officers, building networks that would later become the foundation of the CIA. After the war, when the CIA was created in 1947, Dulles became one of its architects.

In 1953, President Eisenhower appointed him director of central intelligence. For the next eight years, Dulles transformed the CIA from an intelligence gathering agency into an operational force that toppled governments. Iran 1953, Dulles orchestrated the overthrow of democratically elected Prime Minister Muhammad Mosad, who had nationalized Iran’s oil industry.

The CIA staged protests, bribed officials, and installed the Sha. It worked perfectly. Guatemala, 1954. When President Jacobo Arben threatened United Fruit Company’s land holdings, Dulles organized a coup. CIA trained forces invaded. Arbenz fled. Another success. Dulles believed in covert action. He believed the CIA should operate in the shadows, doing things elected officials couldn’t publicly authorize.

He believed in plausible deniability. The president should be able to claim ignorance of CIA operations if they were exposed. and he believed that intelligence professionals, not elected politicians, should determine America’s real foreign policy. By 1961, when John F. Kennedy became president, Alan Dulles was the most powerful unelected official in the United States government.

He reported to the president, but in practice, he operated independently. He controlled secrets. He controlled operations. He controlled the narrative. And then he met a president who refused to be controlled. John F. Kennedy and Alan Dulles were destined to clash. They represented opposite world views. Kennedy, young, 43 years old at inauguration, idealistic, skeptical of cold war orthodoxy, believed in diplomacy and negotiation, wanted to rethink America’s relationship with the Soviet Union and the developing world.

Dulles old, 68 years old, a true believer in the Cold War, convinced that communism was an existential threat, believed the only language the Soviets understood was force, saw compromise as weakness. The collision happened in April 1961. The Bay of Pigs, as we covered in a previous video, the Bay of Pigs invasion was a CIA operation designed to overthrow Fidel Castro.

The plan was developed under Eisenhower, but Kennedy inherited it. Dulles assured Kennedy it would succeed. He told Kennedy the Cuban people would rise up against Castro. He told Kennedy American involvement could remain covert. All of it was lies, or at least catastrophically wrong assessments. The invasion failed spectacularly.

One 400 Cuban exiles were killed or captured. Castro’s regime was strengthened. America was humiliated on the world stage and Kennedy realized he had been deceived. Kennedy was furious. He felt the CIA had lied to him, had presented him with overly optimistic intelligence, had trapped him into approving an operation designed to fail without full US military support.

Kennedy summoned Dulles to the Oval Office. The conversation was tense. Kennedy wanted to know how the CIA could have been so wrong. Dulles had no good answers. He blamed Kennedy for cancelling air strikes. He blamed Kennedy for refusing to send in the Marines. But Kennedy blamed Dulles. And Kennedy made a decision that would change history.

In September 1961, Kennedy asked for Dulles’s resignation. Publicly, it was described as a retirement. Dulles was 68, a reasonable age to step down, but everyone in Washington knew the truth. Kennedy had fired him. Kennedy told friends, “I want to splinter the shield CIA into a thousand pieces and scatter it to the winds.

” For Alan Dulles, this was not just the end of a career. It was a humiliation. He had spent 8 years building the CIA into the most powerful agency in government. He had toppled governments. He had shaped American foreign policy. And now a young president, a man Dulles privately referred to as that little Kennedy boy, had forced him out.

Dulles left the CIA, but he didn’t leave Washington, and he didn’t stop working. After his forced resignation, Alan Dulles remained in Washington, DC. He maintained his connections. He kept his security clearance. He continued to meet with CIA officers, his former subordinates, now running operations without him. This is where the story gets strange.

Dulles had been fired. He no longer held any official position. Yet, he continued to receive briefings about ongoing CIA operations. He continued to advise current CIA leadership. He continued to be treated as an elder statesman of the intelligence community. Why would the CIA brief a fired director? Because Alan Dulles knew too much.

He knew about operations that were still classified. He knew about relationships with foreign intelligence services. He knew about covert actions that could never be made public. Cutting Dulles out completely would have been dangerous. He could write a memoir, give interviews, reveal secrets. So the CIA kept Dulles close.

They briefed him. They consulted him. They made sure he he remained part of the club. But Dulles was bitter. Friends and colleagues later recalled that he resented Kennedy deeply. He believed Kennedy had been weak during the Bay of Pigs. He believed Kennedy didn’t understand the communist threat. He believed Kennedy was naive about the Soviets.

In private conversations, Dulles would criticize Kennedy’s policies, the nuclear test ban treaty, weakness, the peace speech at American University, appeasement, the decision not to invade Cuba during the missile crisis, cowardice. Dulles wasn’t alone in these views. Much of the CIA, particularly the covert operations directorate, shared his contempt for Kennedy.

They saw Kennedy’s attempts to control the agency as interference. They saw his foreign policy as dangerously soft on communism. And then on November 22nd, 1963, Kennedy was killed. The assassination of President Kennedy created an immediate crisis. Who killed him? Was it a conspiracy? Was it the Soviets? Was it Castro? Was it domestic extremists? The new president, Lynden B.

Johnson, faced enormous pressure to establish the facts quickly. Rumors were spreading. Conspiracy theories were emerging. Johnson needed to reassure the American public and the world that the government had the situation under control. On November 29th, one week after the assassination, Johnson announced the creation of a presidential commission to investigate Kennedy’s death.

It would be chaired by Chief Justice Earl Warren and include six other prominent Americans. One of those six was Alan Dulles. Johnson’s stated rationale was that Dulles’s experience as CIA director would be valuable in investigating potential foreign involvement. Dulles knew how intelligence agencies operated. He could evaluate whether the Soviets or Cubans had been involved.

But this reasoning was deeply flawed. If the CIA itself was involved, or if CIA operations had somehow created the circumstances for Kennedy’s death, then having a former CIA director on the commission was a catastrophic conflict of interest. It would be like appointing a former police chief who had been fired by the mayor to investigate the mayor’s murder.

Even if the police chief wasn’t personally involved, he would have every incentive to protect the department and every reason to resent the victim. Yet Johnson appointed him anyway and Dulles accepted. Why did Dulles accept? He was 70 years old, supposedly retired. He could have declined. He could have said his presence would create the appearance of impropriy.

Instead, Dulles threw himself into the work with remarkable energy. He attended more Warren Commission meetings than almost any other member. He questioned witnesses. He reviewed evidence. He wrote memos. But what Dulles was really doing was controlling the investigation. From the beginning, Alan Dulles positioned himself as the Warren Commission’s expert on intelligence matters.

Whenever questions arose about the CIA, about covert operations, about possible foreign connections, Dulles was the authority, and that gave him enormous power. Here’s how it worked. The Warren Commission needed information from the CIA, documents, records, intelligence assessments. The CIA would provide this information to the commission.

But before it reached the other commissioners, it went through Alan Dulles. Dulles reviewed CIA materials. He interpreted them for his fellow commissioners, most of whom had no intelligence experience. He explained what was important and what wasn’t. He guided their understanding of CIA operations and capabilities.

In effect, Dulles became the filter between the CIA and the investigation. The fox was guarding the hen house. But it gets worse. There were secrets Dulles knew. Secrets he had created during his time as director that he deliberately concealed from his fellow commissioners. The most significant operation mongoose and the CIA mafia plots to assassinate Fidel Castro.

During Dulles’s tenure as CIA director and continuing after his departure, the CIA had been actively trying to kill Castro. They had recruited members of the American mafia, organized crime figures to carry out assassination attempts. They had developed poison pills, exploding cigars, poisoned wets suits. The CIA had been engaged in state sponsored assassination attempts against a foreign leader. This was explosive information.

If the Warren Commission had known that the CIA was trying to kill Castro, they would have investigated whether Castro had retaliated by killing Kennedy. They would have examined Oswald’s connections to pro- Castro groups. They would have questioned whether the CIA’s assassination plots had somehow triggered Kennedy’s death.

But Alan Dulles never told them. In Warren Commission meetings, when other members asked about possible CIA involvement with anti-Castro Cuban exiles, Dulles assured them there was nothing significant. When they asked about CIA operations against Cuba, Dulles downplayed the AY’s activities. He lied by omission.

He withheld the most relevant information. And because he was the intelligence expert, the other commissioners believed him. Years later, when the CIA mafia plots were finally exposed in the 1970s during the Church Committee hearings, investigators were shocked that Dulles had concealed this information from the Warren Commission.

It was a clear conflict of interest. It suggested Dulles had been protecting the CIA rather than seeking the truth about Kennedy’s death. But by then, the Warren report had been published. The official narrative was set. Lee Harvey Oswald acting alone killed President Kennedy. No conspiracy, no CIA involvement.

Case closed and Alan Dulles had made sure of it. Throughout the Warren Commission’s investigation, one theory dominated. Lee Harvey Oswald acted alone. This wasn’t the only possible explanation. There was evidence of Oswald’s connections to anti-Castro Cubans. There was evidence of strange coincidences and suspicious characters around Oswald in the months before the assassination.

There were witnesses who claimed to have seen other shooters in Di Plaza, but the commission focused on the lone gunman theory. And the person who pushed this theory hardest was Alan Dulles. Dulles brought books to Warren Commission meetings, books about political assassins, books about delusional individuals who killed political leaders.

He distributed these books to other commissioners, suggesting they should understand Oswald as a disturbed loner, not as part of a conspiracy. He was particularly fond of a book about European political assassinations that argued most political murders were committed by mentally unstable individuals acting alone, not by organized conspiracies.

Dulles’s message to the other commissioners was clear. Oswald fits the profile of a lone assassin. He was unstable. He had delusions of grandeur. He wanted to make history. This is typical behavior. There’s no need to look for a conspiracy. But this narrative served a purpose beyond understanding Oswald. It protected the CIA.

If Oswald was a lone nut, then there was no conspiracy to investigate. No need to examine CIA operations. No need to question whether the intelligence community’s war against Castro had somehow created the circumstances for Kennedy’s death. The lone gunman theory was the safest theory for the CIA, and Alan Dulles made sure it became the official conclusion.

While serving on the Warren Commission, Alan Dulles maintained close contact with current CIA leadership. He had dinners with CIA director John McCon, the man Kennedy had appointed to replace him. He met with Richard Helms, the CIA’s deputy director for plans, who oversaw covert operations.

These meetings were not secret, but they were inappropriate. Dulles was supposed to be investigating the CIA’s potential involvement in Kennedy’s death. Instead, he was socializing with the AY’s current leadership. It would be like a juror in a criminal trial having dinner with the defendant every weekend. Other Warren Commission members didn’t know the full extent of Dulles’s ongoing CIA connections. They trusted him.

They saw him as an experienced intelligence professional who could help them navigate complex questions about espionage and foreign involvement. They didn’t realize Dulles was coordinating with the agency he was supposed to be investigating. In one particularly revealing moment, Warren Commission staff attorney Wesley Leebeler later recalled being surprised to learn that Dulles had met with CIA officials to discuss what information the agency should provide to the commission.

Lebler felt this was a conflict of interest. Dulles should have been demanding information, not negotiating with the CIA about what to turn over. But by the time Leebeler raised these concerns, the investigation was largely complete. On September 24th, 1964, the Warren Commission released its final report, 888 pages, 26 volumes of supporting documents.

The conclusion, Lee Harvey Oswald, acting alone, killed President John F. Kennedy. No credible evidence of a conspiracy, no foreign government involvement, no CIA involvement. It was exactly the conclusion Alan Dulles wanted. The CIA was cleared. The lone gunman narrative prevailed. The investigation was closed. But in reaching this conclusion, the Warren Commission ignored evidence, dismissed witnesses, and failed to pursue obvious leads.

They didn’t investigate Jack Ruby’s organized crime connections thoroughly. They didn’t examine the CIA’s anti-Castro operations. They didn’t question the strange coincidences surrounding Oswald. Why? Because Alan Dulles guided them away from those inquiries. Every time the investigation threatened to expose CIA operations, Dulles was there to redirect, to downplay, to assure his fellow commissioners there was nothing to see.

Chief Justice Warren later expressed frustration that the commission couldn’t access all CIA files. He felt the agency had not been fully cooperative. But Warren didn’t know that his fellow commissioner Alan Dulles was the reason for that lack of cooperation. Dulles was protecting his former agency.

The Warren Report became the official history of Kennedy’s assassination. For many Americans, it settled the question. But for others, the report raised more questions than it answered. Within a few years, polls showed that most Americans didn’t believe Oswald acted alone. The Warren Commission’s credibility problems stemmed largely from its failure to investigate obvious leads in its too quick dismissal of conspiracy theories.

And much of that failure can be traced directly to Alan Dulles’s influence. Alan Dulles died in 1969, 6 years after Kennedy’s assassination. He never publicly admitted to concealing information from the Warren Commission. He never acknowledged the conflict of interest his appointment represented. But in the 1970s, the truth began to emerge.

The Church Committee, a Senate investigation into intelligence agency abuses, uncovered the CIA mafia plots to kill Castro. They discovered that Alan Dulles had known about these plots and had concealed them from the Warren Commission. Senator Richard Schwiker, a member of the Church Committee, was stunned.

He said, “I think Alan Dulles’s presence on the Warren Commission was a conflict of interest from the very beginning. He had a duty to tell the commission about the plots to kill Castro. His failure to do so was a cover up. The revelation that the CIA had been trying to assassinate Castro while Oswald, a Castro sympathizer, was supposedly planning to kill Kennedy was explosive.

It suggested a possible motive for Castro to retaliate. It raised questions about whether CIA operations had inadvertently put Kennedy in danger, but the Warren Commission never investigated this because Alan Dulles never told them it existed. In 1977, Richard Helms, the CIA officer who had overseen the Castro assassination plots, testified before Congress.

He was asked why the CIA didn’t inform the Warren Commission about Operation Mongoose. Helms replied that he assumed Dulles would handle it. After all, Dulles knew about the plots. He had authorized them when he was director. But Dulles didn’t handle it. He buried it. The House Select Committee on Assassinations, which reinvestigated Kennedy’s death in the late 1970s, concluded that Alan Dulles’s presence on the Warren Commission, had been problematic.

They noted that his failure to disclose relevant CIA operations may have impeded the commission’s investigation. That’s government language for Alan Dulles sabotage the investigation. Did Alan Dulles have Kennedy killed? There’s no evidence of that. No documents, no confessions, no credible witnesses. But did Alan Dulles ensure that certain truths about Kennedy’s death would never be officially investigated? Absolutely. Consider his motives.

Motive one, protecting the CIA. Dulles had built the agency. He had authorized operations that would have scandalized the American public if exposed. If a thorough investigation revealed CIA plots to assassinate foreign leaders, the agency would have been dismantled. Dulles couldn’t allow that. Motive two, protecting himself.

If the Warren Commission discovered that CIA operations, operations Dulles had authorized, had created circumstances that led to Kennedy’s death, Dulles himself would have been implicated. his legacy would have been ruined. Motive three, personal animosity. Dulles hated Kennedy. Kennedy had humiliated him. Kennedy had threatened to destroy the CIA.

Even if Dulles didn’t kill Kennedy, he had no interest in helping Kennedy’s family find justice. Why would Dulles want the truth if the truth might vindicate Kennedy’s concerns about the CIA? Dulles’s appointment to the Warren Commission was either the most incompetent decision in presidential history or it was a deliberate move to ensure the investigation would be controlled by someone with a vested interest in the outcome.

Either way, it guaranteed that the American people would never learn the full truth about November 22nd, 1963. Picture this. A president fires the head of the CIA. Two years later, that president is murdered. One week after that, the fired CIA director is appointed to investigate the murder. If this were fiction, you’d call it unbelievable. But it’s history.

Alan Dulles spent 10 months on the Warren Commission. He attended hearings. He questioned witnesses. He reviewed evidence. And at every step, he protected the CIA, concealed relevant operations, and steered the investigation toward the conclusion he wanted. Lone gunman. No conspiracy. Case closed.

Was Dulles part of a conspiracy to kill Kennedy? We don’t know. Probably not. The evidence doesn’t support that. But was Dulles part of a conspiracy to cover up the truth about Kennedy’s death? Absolutely. The evidence is overwhelming. Dulles concealed the CIA mafia plots to kill Castro, information that would have completely changed the investigation’s direction.

He maintained inappropriate contact with current CIA leadership while supposedly investigating the agency. He pushed the lone gunman theory and discouraged inquiry into conspiracy possibilities. He used his position as intelligence expert to filter what information reached the other commissioners. Alan Dulles didn’t investigate Kennedy’s murder. He managed it. He controlled it.

He ensured the official narrative would protect the institution he had built and the secrets he had created. The man Kennedy fired became the man who wrote Kennedy’s epitap. And in doing so, Dulles had his revenge. Kennedy wanted to splinter the CIA into a thousand pieces. Instead, Dulles ensured the CIA would survive Kennedy’s death intact, its secrets protected, its power preserved.

The Warren report became the official history. But it wasn’t history. It was a cover story crafted in part by the one man who had the most reason to obscure the truth. And we’re still living with the consequences. The distrust of government institutions, the conspiracy theories that never die, the questions that remain unanswered.

All of it traces back to the moment Lynden Johnson made the catastrophic decision to appoint Alan Dulles to investigate the death of the man Dulles hated. History doesn’t repeat, but it rhymes. And every time you see a government investigation where the investigators have conflicts of interest, where evidence is concealed, where official narratives don’t match common sense, remember Alan Dulles? Remember the man who turned an investigation into a coverup? If this story disturbs you, good. It should. Hit that like button to

make sure more people see this truth. Subscribe because we’re going to keep digging into the moments when power protects itself at the expense of justice. Comment below. Do you think Dulles should have been on the Warren Commission? Could Kennedy’s murder have been solved if Dulles hadn’t been there? And what other investigations in history were compromised by conflicts of interest? Your engagement keeps these uncomfortable truths alive because the powerful count on us forgetting.

They count on us moving on. They count on history fading into myth. We won’t let that happen. Thank you for watching. The truth is complicated, but the cover-ups are always simple. Put the fox in charge of the hen house and call it an investigation. Remember, the man JFK fired was put in charge of his murder. That’s not conspiracy theory.

That’s conspiracy

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