Battle for the Mediterranean 1940 DD
In early June 1940 Britain and France are in peril. German panzers close on Paris, while hundreds of thousands of Allied troops scramble to evacuate. On June 10, Italy invades southern France, and although the attack fails, it expands the war: the Mediterranean theatre now stretches from the Horn of Africa to the Strait of Gibraltar.
Along this “Mediterranean river” are several natural choke points, which are lifelines for Britain’s global empire and naval bases at Gibraltar, Malta, and Alexandria. If Britain hopes to win the war, it must rally its imperial power. Since the mid-1930s Italy has expanded its imperial reach in Africa and the Balkans, and the British worry because of their high estimations of Italian capabilities.
The Royal Navy initially recalls ships from the Mediterranean fleet to British waters. They are desperately needed to defend the United Kingdom against German U-Boats and a possible German invasion. But Churchill cancels the move. Britain’s strategy is to turn the war into a longer attritional conflict, and it requires the Mediterranean and access to its wider empire to do it.
By 1939, the British Empire, or Commonwealth of Nations, includes 25% of the world population – around 470 million people – 30% of its landmass and vast amounts of natural resources. From the beginning, Britain’s Second World War is an imperial war.
London uses its imperial reach, especially via the navy, to dominate global trade in a long-term economic strategy against Germany, and protect supply lines to Britain. Meanwhile, its enemies work to undermine this system and threaten its colonies. Britain fights an imperial war partly due to prestige, but also out of necessity. The country imports 60% of its food, including 90% of grains and 50% of meat.
Most comes from the Empire, as Winston Churchill’s son Randolph explains: “If we lose our empire, we shall become not a second-rank but a tenth-rank power. We have nothing. We will all die of hunger. So, there is nothing for it but to fight to the end.” (Overy 103) Mobilizing Commonwealth resources, though, is not straightforward.
Britain mostly relies on its so-called White Dominions – Australia, New Zealand, Canada, Newfoundland and South Africa, as well as the colony of India for military manpower. Britain’s declaration of war in 1939 automatically includes Australia and New Zealand, but unlike in 1914 both nations also formally declare war themselves.
New Zealand Prime Minister Michael Savage states: “Where [Britain] goes, we go, where she stands, we stand.” (Delaney 187) Cultural, social and political ties to Britain results in wide support in Australia and New Zealand, but service overseas is controversial. Although there’s an initial rush of volunteers, both dominions struggle to maintain recruitment.
Uncertainly about troop deployment, low pay and rules preventing key economic workers volunteering play a role. South Africa has more problems. The majority of South Africa’s white population – which can vote, unlike black South Africans – speak Afrikaans and descend from Dutch settlers. Their contentious history with the British Empire due to the Boer Wars cause many to support neutrality or even a German victory.
However, after a neutrality debate collapses the government, new Prime Minister Jan Smuts pledges South Africa to the war. But he struggles to find recruits for the new Mobile Field Force, since laws barring non-European South Africans from military service leave just 5% of military aged men eligible. Canada is the last major dominion to declare war on September 10, 1939. Prime Minister W.L. Mackenzie King also negotiates a sensitive domestic environment.
Although most Anglo-Canadians support helping Britain, French Canadians are less enthusiastic, and memories of the divisive Conscription Crisis of 1917 loom large. King opposed conscription in 1917, and now draws significant electoral support from French Canada, so Ottawa adopts a policy of “limited liability”.
Canada will prioritize air and sea forces to limit casualties, although it also raises an infantry division for overseas service. Recruitment goes well, and by the end of September the Canadian Army has grown ten-fold. Generally, Commonwealth mobilization is uneven. The relative inactivity of the so-called Phoney War until April 1940 makes the war effort seem less urgent, including for potential volunteers.
However, after Germany’s invasion of France in May 1940, most dominions, especially Australia and New Zealand, see a rapid expansion in recruitment. Australian politician J. V. Fairbairn states: “When the Lion roars, the Cubs will answer the call” (Beaumont) Unlike most dominions, New Zealand introduces conscription for overseas service and pledges “every atom of the country’s services” to the British Empire.
And it’s not just Dominions who are expected to contribute. British-ruled India’s large population also provides significant forces. Even in peacetime, the Indian Army numbers around 250,000 – mostly recruited from communities the British consider ‘martial races’, like Sikhs, Punjabi Muslims, and Gurkhas.
Britain also sees these groups as more loyal than majority Hindus. But mobilization remains sensitive. The Indian National Congress, an independence movement including Mahatma Gandhi, wants promises of self-rule in exchange for help. When the British viceroy only offers a review of India’s colonial position, congress ministers resign.
However, the Indian Army remains loyal and by 1940, Indians form five new infantry and one armored division. Sensitivity around conscription means all these troops are volunteers. Many join for practical benefits, like money or housing , and although the colonial authorities dilute the “martial race theory”, by early 1941 48% of recruits are Punjabi and 11% are from Nepal.
Not all colonies mobilize fighting troops, but all must contribute to the war effort. Kenya, Jamaica, Trinidad, and Malaya provide naval personnel, while many colonies function as important base areas. To ensure stability, Britain suppresses anti-colonial political movements. For many colonies, especially smaller islands and outposts, the war has a disproportionate impact.
Britain, of course, is not the only imperial power at war. Mussolini’s Italian empire might be smaller, but he has dreams of expansion. Mussolini hopes contributing to German victory may earn him major gains, like the seizure of the French fleet, the occupation of France and Corsica, and French colonies like Tunisia or French Somaliland.
Italy belatedly joins the German invasion of France through the Western Alps, but the army’s poor performance, and German desires for a cooperative neutral Vichy French regime, mean that when France surrenders on June 22, Italy gains little. On June 11, Italy bombs British-controlled Malta, but elsewhere, Britain takes the initiative. From June 10, British armored cars and tanks raid across the Egyptian border into Italian Libya.
Most Italian troops lack heavy, modern equipment or experience in modern war. Instead, they are trained for colonial pacification. In one engagement, Italian forces form a 19th century-style fighting square, which British tanks easily destroy. In three months of combat, the Italians suffer 3,500 casualties for Britain’s 150.
Britain can’t go on wider offensive because it too lacks men and material. Meanwhile, French capitulation frees up Italian forces, and Mussolini demands an invasion of Egypt to eliminate the main British Mediterranean port of Alexandria and seize the Suez Canal. But his commanders are reluctant.
After friendly fire kills respected commander-in-chief Italo Balbo, Rodolfo Graziani takes over. He’s a desert expert, but his experience is mostly against Senussi tribesmen. Mussolini is encouraged by Italian success in East Africa, where colonial forces have pushed back a small British garrison.
But although Graziani outnumbers the roughly 36,000 British-led troops, he lacks vehicles, water and supplies. After lengthy delays and pressure from Rome, he reluctantly invades British Egypt on September 13, setting a modest first objective of Sidi Barrani – 80 kilometres from the border. As Italian troops advance, Graziani makes a grandiose statement: “One wonders when the English will begin to understand that they have just dealt with the best fitted-out colonial army in the world, and when they finally learn to appreciate the valor of the Italian soldier.” (Burgwyn 40)
British troops withdraw and Graziani orders his men to build fortified camps around Sidi Barrani – again following colonial practices. Mussolini pressures him to advance another 130 kilometers along the coast, but Graziani knows his troops are unlikely to make it. Italy’s success in Egypt is partly due to redeploying Italian troops guarding the border with French colonies after France’s defeat – an event that shakes the French Empire.
Although 7,000 French troops in Britain and some colonial administrators join Charles de Gaulle’s Free French forces, most French troops remain loyal to the new collaborationist Vichy regime. Britain now worries about the Vichy French navy – the fourth largest in the world. Before the French surrender, Britain asks French Admiral Jean-Francois Darlan about his intentions.
He compares these requests to “heirs visiting a dying man” and claims he would scuttle the French fleet before surrendering it to Germany. In armistice negotiations, Hitler doesn’t seize the French fleet, likely to encourage France to make peace immediately. Churchill and many others in Britain have no faith in either German or French promises, even if Darlan is sincere: “It is a matter so vital to the safety of the whole British Empire, we could not afford to rely on the word of Admiral Darlan.” (Symonds) Especially important is the fleet at Mers
El-Kebir in French Algeria, around 40% of the French navy, including four capital ships . British Vice Admiral James Somerville can’t blockade the port forever, so he delivers an ultimatum to French Vice Admiral Marcel-Bruno Gensoul: hand over control, scuttle or intern his ships, or be attacked.
Many British naval officers, including Somerville, are anxious for moral and military reasons, but the cabinet unanimously supports the newly named Operation Catapult. Gensoul is sympathetic to British demands but vows he will “meet force with force”, and the French admiralty says it will send reinforcements. Britain intercepts this message and encourages Somerville to act .
At 5pm on July 3, negotiations end. Gensoul warmly embraces British negotiator Captain Cedric Holland, before Holland leaves the ship to the sound of French bugles calling battle stations. Gensoul doesn’t believe Britain will attack and takes no other preparations. All his capital ships are moored with their guns uselessly facing landward.
When Somerville opens fire at 5:54pm, it’s a one-sided battle. The British fire 36 salvos, a magazine hit blowing up Bretagne with 1,000 crew, and sinking the Provence. Genoul’s flagship Dunkerque runs ashore and after 20 minutes, he requests a ceasefire. During the battle, the Strasbourg and five destroyers escape to Toulon.
Somerville later writes: “For letting the battle cruiser escape and not finishing off more French ships… I shouldn’t be surprised if I was relieved forthwith… The truth is my heart wasn’t in it and you’re not allowed a heart in war.” (Parker 81) The French lose 1,297 killed and 351 wounded, while the British lose just two of each.
Much of France is outraged by the attack, but Churchill believes it shows determination and resolve to the wider world . While the British attack at Mers el-Kebir, they also seize French ships in Alexandria, meaning Britain neutralizes half the French fleet in one day. After the attack, Free French recruitment plummets. Hitler believes the attack benefits Germany by causing division amongst the allies and possibly encouraging Vichy France to join the Axis.
This is probably why he doesn’t give French African colonies to Italy or Spain. Italy is disappointed, although it hopes for imperial gains in East Africa. Italy conquered a new possession when it invaded Ethiopia in 1935, and Mussolini announced a new Italian East African empire, the Africa Orientale Italiana.
Bordering British colonies in the area, Mussolini envisions establishing Kismayo as a gateway to the east, undermining British colonial interests. Mussolini also declares himself “Defender of Islam” to encourage anti-British sentiment among African Muslims. Britain worries Italy could launch offensives from East Africa into British colonies – maybe even threaten the Suez Canal from the south. Likewise, it could threaten British oil production across the Red Sea.
Italian High Command discusses capturing Khartoum and Atbara, linking up with Graziani’s forces in Libya, or striking into French central African colonies. Another potential target is the refueling base in Chad for British aircraft flying from West Africa to Egypt. However, there is little enthusiasm for such operations in the Italian colonial government in Addis Ababa.
The colony’s administrator, Duke Amedeo di Savoia-Aosta, has partly modernised Italian East Africa’s economy, and has developed a reputation as a progressive administrator. Local Askari troops are generally reliable, but lack equipment, especially anti-tank weapons. The colony is extremely vulnerable to being cut off from the north-west and Aosta believes it can only withstand six months of war.
Reluctantly, Aosta proposes a daring strike against British Somaliland. If Italian forces can reach a favourable line before the rainy season , they could wait until Graziani captures Egypt or there is a diplomatic solution. Aosta has a numerical advantage, with around 75,000 Italian and 205,000 native troops greatly outnumbering neighboring British garrisons.
In August, Italian and Eritrean cavalry breakthrough at Kassala and occupy Berbera. A follow-up victory at Tug Argan Gap forces British troops out of Somaliland as the Italian pursue, capturing much needed supplies. The conquest of British Somaliland boosts Italian morale, but Rome hasn’t got an overall strategy and Italian losses are high.
The remaining troops are ill-equipped to oppose any kind of British counterattack. Furthermore, the attack forces French colonial administrators to decide their allegiance. Although some, like French West Africa high commissioner Pierre Boisson, pledge themselves to the Vichy regime, others like French Chad lieutenant-governor Félix Éboué, join the Free French.
Vichy and Free French troops now fight each other, and by late August all French Equatorial Africa has joined the Free French. Now reinforced with Free French troops, Britain plans an attack on Boisson’s pro-Vichy forces at Dakar in late September 1940. However, Vichy resistance prevents a landing, and with high casualties likely, the Anglo-French force withdraws.
It’s a political blow for de Gaulle, and Britain is now reluctant to offer significant help to his forces. In any case, a fresh Italian offensive shifts the focus back to the Mediterranean. Although Mussolini encourages a push into Egypt, he also has imperial ambitions closer to home. In 1939, Italy established a protectorate in Albania.
From there, Italy looks to expand into Yugoslavia or Greece to link up with the Italian Islands in the Aegean. Rome considers Yugoslavia too pro-German, so they turn to Greece. Mussolini’s foreign minister and son-in-law Galeazzo Ciano urges action. He claims Greek forces are corrupt and inept, Greek civilians are indifferent, and Albanian minorities in Greece will welcome Italians as liberators.
But King Vittorio Emanuele, Italian ambassador in Greece Emanuele Grazzi and chief of staff Pietro Badoglio are skeptical: “The Greeks are good fighters. They showed it in their last war with Turkey. They were defeated but they fought valiantly.” (Carr) But Mussolini and Ciano ignore these warnings. Germany is also against an invasion.
They need peace in the Balkans to extract war materials, and an Italian attack could encourage British intervention. Britain guaranteed Greek neutrality in April 1939, and the presence of British aircraft in Greece could threaten Romanian oil fields. Germany accepts that Greece is in Italy’s sphere of influence but wants any invasion delayed until after Britain’s defeat. Mussolini agrees.
After the German Luftwaffe moves into Romania to protect the oil fields, an outraged Mussolini accelerates plans to invade despite his promises: “Hitler always faces me with a fait accompli. This time I am going to pay him back in his own coin. He will find out from the papers that I have occupied Greece. In this way the equilibrium will be re-established.
” (Burgwyn 44) Italian plans grow from a partial to a complete occupation of Greece, but Italian planning is rushed and complicated by mass demobilization for the harvest, unenthusiastic officers, and a lack of suitable Albanian ports. The only usable port for troops, Durazzo, is already clogged with barges carrying marble for fascist building projects.
As a result, not all troops have their heavy weapons. Mussolini hopes Bulgaria will join in the attack, but the Bulgarian king refuses. By late October, around six Italian Divisions, including the crack Julia Alpini Division, are moving towards the Greek-Albanian border. The 87,000 Italian troops expect to oppose around 30,000 Greeks, despite intelligence suggesting 10 times as many may be available.
Italy’s aggressive rhetoric and poor operational security means Greek dictator Ioannis Metaxas is aware of Italian intentions. He hopes for an orderly withdrawal as far as Mount Othrys, although some commanders prefer a more aggressive plan. Luckily, for the Greeks, the border’s mountainous terrain limits Italian invasion routes.
Mussolini starts the invasion for October 28: the date of Hitler’s planned visit to Florence. He plans to surprise his ally with news of imminent victory. At 3am, after staging border incidents, ambassador Grazzi issues Metaxas an ultimatum: Allow Italy to occupy key strategic locations in Greece or face war.
Metaxas responds in diplomatic French: “Alors, c’est la guerre. (Well then, it’s war)” (Carr) His response is later popularised as an emphatic “‘Ochi!’ (No!)” In reality, Italian troops like Lieutenant Genserico Fontana are moving before the ultimatum was delivered: “
The night is dark and rainy… Tomorrow we may hope that Mars will favor us… Even though we are few, we have no fear. We have our hand grenades in our pockets and they don’t weigh much… Here comes the dawn, dismal and soundless.” (Carr) In the opening attack, the Ferrara, Siena and Centauro Divisions, with 163 light tanks, push into the Kalamas River valley towards Ioannina, while the Julia Division attacks in the center around Mount Smolikas.
A smaller force pushes along the coast. Although the Greeks expected Italian aggression, the rank-and-file are still shocked when it happens: “We woke up around 06:30. We heard thunder from the west, its brightness was mirrored on the clouds. […] A rumor was spread that war was declared between Greece and Italy! It was a shock. Nobody expected this news. Our hearts froze.
” (Gaglias) Initial Greek resistance is light, but rain slows the Italians. Greek 8th Division commander Charalambos Katsimitros decides to make a stand at Kalpaki, where the Italians have to cross a plain. From November 2, Italian columns enter the area and come under artillery fire from well-concealed positions.
The Greeks lack anti-tank weapons, but their artillery scatters the Italian tanks, while infantry improvise by throwing blankets onto light tanks’ tracks to immobilize them. As the Italians attempt to push through the plain, fighting centers on Grambala Hill, which changes hands several times. As the weather clears, Italian aircraft bomb Greek positions: “
…an airplane bomb whistled over me and fell into the forest, 20 meters below my tent… A fellow soldier shouted for his foot and called for help… I approached the bomb crater. A body drowned in blood without skull or brains. Beside him, a corporal… was still alive… [A] open wound in his back, and his intestines poured out. He died in my arms! My heart was completely broken from the horror …” While the Italians struggle at Kalpaki, the Julia Division hits Greek positions in the Pindus Mountains.
They make early progress against Greek reservists, but sporadic Greek sniping and poor weather exhaust and disorganize the attackers. After Greek reinforcements stall the Italian advance on November 2, the Greeks counterattack, capturing Samarina and threatening to cut off the Italians. By November 8, the Greeks capture Distrato, forcing the Julia to withdraw.
In two weeks of fighting, the Julia Division loses a fifth of its strength.The Greek army now moves over to the offensive, even invading Albania in the north. A frustrated Mussolini orders his air force to bomb all Greek towns of over 10,000 people. The Italian air force has already bombed Athens and other towns with little effect, which denies frontline Italian forces desperately needed air support.
In Rome there is tension and even talks of truce – reluctant Italian ministers even consider asking for German help. Hitler is furious when informed about the invasion during the meeting in Florence as his adjutant recalls: “F[ührer] in a rage. Observed that this occurrence had spoiled many plans he had in mind… and doubted if the Italians would be able to defeat Greece.
” (Holland 414) The Greek debacle is only the start of bad news for Mussolini. By late fall, Hitler cancels the invasion of Britain as well as a short-lived Mediterranean initiative. He tries to get Francisco Franco into the war and draws up plans to seize Gibraltar and get Vichy France on the German side for good.
But Mussolini’s blunder and the overlapping claims of Spain, France and Italy in the region put an end to all that. Hitler now focuses on the invasion of the Soviet Union, which makes Churchill confident Britain can look for fresh opportunities against Italy. By 1940, the Italian navy is the fifth largest in the world and could menace British imperial connections around the Suez Canal.
However, by late 1940, the Italian Supermarina has done little. A first clash with British ships at Calabria in July ended indecisively, but illustrated Italian naval limitations. German observer and intelligence chief Admiral Wilhelm Canaris blames the Italian command structure: “The Italian Navy has for the most part excellent qualities, which should enable it to stand up to the best navies in the world.
It is too bad that its High Command lacks decision making. But this probably is because it has to work under the disordered directives of the Italian Supreme Command.” (Simmons) The Navy High Command is especially conservative and royalist. Few officers support Mussolini and they support top-down military decision-making.
Cooperation between military branches is poor, and the navy only learns of the Greece invasion12 days before it starts. The Italian fleet mostly remains docked at Taranto, well-protected by coastal gun batteries. A classic seaborne attack on Taranto seems impossible, but this is not what Britain intends.
Instead, the aircraft carrier HMS Illustrious leads a purely airborne attack against the Italian fleet. Carrier operations are in their infancy in 1940 and largely unproven. Initially, carriers are expected to provide air cover for fleets at sea, not attack independently. British carrier-based Swordfish torpedo bombers are slow, flimsy, and outdated, but they are versatile and reliable and the Italians do not expect such an attack.
Although Italian ships set up anti-torpedo nets, the British develop new Duplex Piston torpedoes which pass under nets and detonate via a ship’s magnetic field. On the night of 11-12 November, Operation Judgement begins. Two dozen Swordfish head for Taranto, using flares to locate targets. They drop torpedoes into the tightly packed ships, striking Littorioa and Duilo.
Conte di Cavour is beached after a hit, several other ships are damaged, and shore facilities set ablaze. The British achieve complete surprise, and in a single night neutralise half the Supermarina. Italian commander Marcantonio Bragadin complains: “Bulletin followed bulletin. It seemed that a great naval battle had been fought, and no one yet knew if, and when, it would be possible to recover from the grave consequences of it.
” (Simmons) Although much of the damage at Taranto can be repaired, the Italian fleet is paralyzed for the foreseeable future. Italian naval command disperses their fleet, further reducing effectiveness just when Italian ground forces need resupply. For Graziani in Egypt, time has already run out. By December, UK invasion fears have eased, and more British and Commonwealth troops and equipment arrive in Alexandria, including Matilda tanks and Hurricane fighters.
Western Desert Force commander Lieutenant-General Richard O’Connor realizes the role mechanized forces and surprise can play in a desert environment. The Matilda – considered invulnerable to most Italian weapons – plays a major role in the upcoming Operation Compass. In early December, British-led forces, including many Indian troops, gather in the Egyptian desert.
British naval bombardment and air attack destroy Italian aircraft and divert attention from the buildup. The Italians partially detect it but aren’t worried. Early on December 9, British forces rush Nibeiwa through poorly laid Italian minefields. The 23 Italian M-11 tanks are outmatched and surprised, and Matildas quickly destroy 13.
An Italian doctor describes the scene: “[It was] the nearest thing to hell I ever saw.” (Latimar 32) Italian troops, with no anti-tank weapons, resort to tossing grenades onto British tanks, but despite fierce resistance it is a one-sided battle. The British capture 4,000 Italians and suffer just two killed and five wounded.
After securing Nibeiwa, the British assault the camp at Tummar West and defeat a counterattack from Tummar East. Meanwhile, the 4th Armoured Brigade moves to cut the Sidi Barrani to Bardia road. The next day, the assault continues, although severe sandstorms and accurate Italian artillery delay Shelby Force in the east. In some cases, British columns simply follow a compass bearing through the storms towards their target.
The British capture Maktila with the aid of naval gunfire, but Italian resistance at Sidi Barrani is fierce, forcing Shelby Force to temporarily withdraw. Italian morale though, is crashing. Tummar East and Point 90 surrender, and as artillery, air power and Matildas concentrate on Sidi Barrani, it too surrenders. British mobile forces race west to capture fleeing Italians.
A British soldier reports to his regimental HQ: “Have arrived at the second B in Buq Buq, as far as I can see, there are twenty acres of officers and a hundred acres of men.” (Latimar 37) In the first three days, the British capture 38,000 Italian troops, 237 guns and 73 tanks. But the Italians are not completely defeated, and they fall back to new positions further west.
The defeat in North Africa also signals the end of Italian success in East Africa. With morale plummeting, Aosta faces a strong British response. As the rainy season ends in December 1940, the British reinforce their units in East Africa, including with Indians and South Africans re-equipped with modern weapons, communication equipment, motorized and mechanized support, and airpower.
With this force, General Sir Archibald Wavell is determined to restore British prestige in the area. Britain also pledges to return Ethiopian king Haile Selasse to his throne, hoping to incite an anti-Italian uprising. As modern British and South African fighters outclass Italian aircraft, Aosta disperses his force to reinforced strongholds, giving Britain free reign in the countryside. By early 1941 the Italians abandon Mogadishu as casualties reach 30,000.
And so, by December1940 Britain can point to several successes despite a disastrous summer. It prevented an invasion of the Home Islands and has taken offensive action against the Italians. Germany does little to interrupt Britain’s strategy of imperial warfare, diplomatically or militarily , and cannot challenge British influence further afield.
In fact, now it has been drawn into attritional conflict with the British Empire, it is arguably on the road to defeat, as historian John Darwin concludes: “The intimidating scale of [the British Empire’s] territorial extent, including its self-governing member states and colonial possessions, made it hard to imagine the ultimate defeat of such a global leviathan.
” [John Darwin] (Jackson 560) Still, Britain is not winning the war in late 1940. Although the Italians continue to struggle everywhere, Germany dominates the continent in an unassailable position, and is stepping up U-boat operations in the Atlantic. British operations against the Italians on the edge of the European Theatre are partially to secure routes to the wider empire, but also because Britain has few other options.
Furthermore, although much of the Commonwealth rallies to Britain, troop contributions come with conditions as they want to avoid the carnage of WW1 . Even with Commonwealth support, Britain lacks the forces to return to Europe. Although they may fight under British commanders, the dominions want their forces to retain their national identities.
Their leaders pressure Churchill to publicly acknowledge the contributions are freely given by sovereign nations, not mere colonial levies . Throughout the war, several dominions, like Australia, use the war as a basis to renegotiate their relationship with Britain. Meanwhile, for Indian nationalists, war contributions provide political opportunities .
Ghandi first calls for full Indian independence on June 29, 1940, followed by a campaign of civil disobedience which leads to hundreds of arrests , including – eventually – his own. Although Britain can suppress any major opposition for now, Indian nationalists recognize Britain cannot simply return to business as usual after the war: “It [the British Empire] will go to pieces and not all the king’s horses and all the king’s men will be able to put it together again.
” [Jawaharlal Nehru] (Overy 103) And so, by mobilizing its Empire in yet another war, Britain may also be ushering in its end. Canada did eventually send ground troops to Europe and as part of the First Canadian Army they fought their way through Western Europe and eventually reached the banks of the Rhine River in 1945. If you want to learn more about the last set-piece battle on the Western Front of World War 2, the Battle of the Rhine, you should check out our 3-hour, 5 part documentary series Rhineland 45. Covering the entire battle from the Dutch border until
the final crossing of the Rhine with detailed maps, animations, expert interviews and more, Rhineland 45 is one of the most detailed documentaries about this often-overlooked battle. With our uncompromising portrayal using authentic combat footage, we couldn’t upload it to YouTube because of their advertising guidelines.
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Pay once and get access to everything Nebula has to offer for as long as you and Nebula exist. The Lifetime membership allows us to invest in more original content and improve the platform for everyone. One third of your Lifetime membership will also support us at Real Time History directly. We want to thank Markus Linke, Athanasiou Valantis and Dr.
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I am Jesse Alexander and this is a production of Real Time History, the only history channel that keep its heart even in times of war.