Who Destroyed the Japanese Economy in WW2? DD

As the war in the Pacific develops, the United  States takes the fight to Japan itself – by   crippling its economy, destroying its industry,  and crushing civilian morale. To do this,   American submarines and heavy bombers wage  campaigns beneath the sea and above the   clouds.

And even 80 years later, there’s a  fierce debate about which of these campaigns   did more to bring Japan to its knees –  perhaps even more than the atomic bombs. After the Japanese attack on  Pearl Harbor in December 1941,   Japan has stronger naval forces than the US  in the Pacific, with 10 aircraft carriers to   three American, and more battleships,  cruisers, destroyers, and submarines.

The vast distances of the Pacific theatre mean  those naval forces are decisive. Japan hopes to   destroy US fleets as they enter its defensive  zone, while securing important forward islands   for airfields and lookouts. Pre-war US doctrine  stressed preserving Pacific and Asian forces by   joining other allied fleets in the region.

With the dominant Japanese surface fleet,   only US submarines can operate within the  Japanese defensive zone. The US Pacific Fleet,   based at Pearl Harbor, cancels plans to  send submarines to Europe in favour of the   Pacific. Most US submarines are older S-types, but  new Tambor class submarines are arriving. These   are arguably the most comfortable submarines  of any nation, including air conditioning   and generous quarters, making them ideal for  long-range patrols lasting up to eight weeks.

US submarines operate individually, relying on  the skill and aggression of skippers. But few   captains have such qualities in 1942, partly due  to a conservative doctrine emphasising scouting.  Mechanical issues with American torpedoes,  especially the Mark 14, also mean many   attacks fail, as one Japanese officer recalls: “[The torpedo] seemed to pass along the hull,   scraping the keel and continued on the  other side, emitting great clouds of bubbles   before finally sinking to port.” (Toll 256) US submarines conduct 350 war patrols in 1942,

including coastal defence, blockading,  minelaying, transporting intelligence agents,   reconnaissance, and delivering supplies.  US submarines prioritise intercepting   Japanese warships over merchant ships. Results are not good. Although US submarines sink   180 ships totalling 725,000 tons, new shipbuilding  means Japan only suffers an insignificant net loss   of 89,000 tons. Of 15 attacks on Japanese  capital ships, submarines sink just 2.

The only mission with reasonable success is  merchant raiding in the East China Sea and Formosa   Strait, where Japanese merchant ships gather.  Although accounting for 15% of US submarine   patrols, they produce 45% of sinkings. As an island nation with limited natural   resources, Japan is vulnerable to economic  blockade, and imports most their oil, coal,   iron, bauxite, tin, lead, and zinc. However,  by late 1942, Japan’s imports are stable.

For these meagre results, the US loses only three  submarines to enemy action, while Japan loses 23. Things change in 1943. US submarine commanders  encourage more aggression from their skippers.   There is now more focus on economic warfare  instead of so-called “port watching”. US rear admiral Charles Lockwood takes  command of Pacific Fleet submarines in   January 1943, and he brings change.

He wants more aggression and praises   captains who respond, like Dudley “Mush” Morton.  After a disappointing 1942, Morton takes over   command of the USS Wahoo. He revives the  frustrated crew’s morale and emphasizes   they’ll conduct dangerous missions that will bring  results. Junior officer George Grider recalls:  “Mush… was built like a bear, and as playful  as a cub… The crew loved him… Whether he was   in the control room, swapping tall tales… or  wandering restlessly about in his skivvies…   he was as relaxed as a baby… constantly  joking, laughing, or planning outrageous

exploits against the enemy.” (Blair 381) Morton adopts a new tactic of allowing   his executive officer to operate the periscope; a  task usually reserved for the skipper. This allows   Morton to maintain better control over the broader  situation and set up follow up attacks. In his   first patrol, Morton’s Wahoo torpedoes a destroyer  in Wewak harbor and intercepts a freighter convoy,   torpedoing all four vessels, including a troop  transport.

Morton then orders the deck guns to   open fire on the Japanese troops in the water.  He later claims troops in lifeboats fired at   the surfaced Wahoo, but also said this: “[…] the army bombards strategic areas   and the air corps uses area-bombing so  the ground forces can advance. Both bring   civilian casualties.

Now without other casualties,  I will prevent these soldiers from getting ashore,   for every one who does can mean an  American life.” (Conquering Tide 273)  Many of those in the water,  however, are Indian POWs.  Submarine commanders never criticise or punish  Morton’s controversial decision – instead Lockwood   calls him a “One Man Wolfpack” and the US media  celebrates him.

The Wahoo patrol is said to give   the wider submarine force newfound aggression, and  makes it clear bold commanders will earn rewards.  In 1943, US submarines sink 335 ships for  1.5 million tons, double the 1942 result   for the same number of patrols. Although ship  conversions increase Japanese oil tanker tonnage,   net non-tanker tonnage losses are 1.1 million.

As  a result, the import of important raw materials   dropped from 19.4 million tons to 16.4 million,  which further limits Japanese shipbuilding.  Submarine sinkings of major Japanese warships,  however, are still rare – with only one light   carrier sunk. Meanwhile, more aggressive US  tactics and improved Japanese countermeasures   result in the loss of 15 submarines,  including Wahoo, which the Japanese   sink with the loss of all hands.

The success is also due to better   torpedoes. After much resistance, the  Bureau of Ordnance accepts fault and   finally fixes the Mark 14 by September 1943. Experience, better torpedoes, and new bases on   US-captured Pacific islands allow submarines to  have an even more successful 1944. US submarines   sink 603 ships totaling 2.7 million tons.

Although  tanker tonnage still increases, it’s a net loss   of over 2 million tons. For the first time,  Japanese merchant tonnage drops below 2 million,   the minimum to maintain Japan’s economy. Imports  drop from 16.4 million tons to 10 million.  US submarines also enjoy more success against  warships as the Japanese navy is increasingly   confined, sinking one battleship, seven aircraft  carriers, and around 46 others.

In fact,   the Japanese never develop a coherent strategy  against the US submarine campaign, partly because   their naval doctrine focused nearly exclusively  on decisive battles between surface fleets – they   didn’t even systematically adopt merchant convoys. By December 1944, Japanese merchant ships stick   to coastal areas or harbors.

US carrier-based  aircraft largely eliminate the remaining Japanese   merchant ships. By 1945, US submarines return  to more passive duties for lack of targets. One important task for American subs is supporting  a new strategic bombing campaign of Japan,   by rescuing downed pilots and providing  weather forecasting. In early 1945,   Japan’s continued economic  destruction will come from the air.

Early in the war, US bombers are limited by  geography, with Japan out of range from land-based   airfields. On April 18, 1942, the US launches its  first bombing raid of Japan in the Doolittle Raid.   Modified B-25 bombers take off from aircraft  carriers roughly 1,000 kilometres from Japan,   bomb Tokyo, and then land in friendly China.

The raid causes little damage and is not part   of a long-term campaign. High aircraft  losses, Japanese reprisals in China,   and the Japanese execution of  captured crew dissuade future attacks.  In late 1943, the US Joint Chiefs  of Staff authorise Operation   Matterhorn.

B-29 Superfortresses – long-range  high-altitude bombers – will attack Japan from   bases in China. But Japan’s industrial  heartland is still out of range. Plus,   supplies must be flown over the Himalayas,  which limits bomb loads and maintenance, and   Japanese forces in China threaten the airbases.  Furthermore, the B-29 bomber has problems.  It’s larger and more complex than other bombers  with engines prone to fires, resulting in high   mission abort rates and accidents.

Major General  Curtis Le May of XX Bomber Command later remarks:  “B-29s had as many bugs as the  entomological department of the   Smithsonian Institution.” (Crane 170) Matterhorn’s results are disappointing.   By November, XX Bomber Command has only flown  five missions against Japan and Matterhorn is   deemphasised due to expense and the  Japanese capture of Chinese airbases.

Another factor is that in July 1944, US forces  capture the Mariana Islands. They are in B-29   range of Tokyo and take over as the primary  strategic bombing base. But early results still   aren’t good. General Haywood Hansell of XXI Bomber  Command uses high-altitude precision methods with   high explosives.

The long distance, light bomb  loads, high abort rate, and poor high-altitude   weather conditions over Japan limit effectiveness. General Le May argues against the precision   bombing methods, claiming Japanese industry is too  dispersed among residential areas to accurately   hit. He suggests low-altitude area-bombing  with incendiary bombs. US studies highlight   Japanese cities’ vulnerability to fire: “Large sections of the great Japanese   cities are built of flimsy and highly flammable  materials.

The earthquake disaster of 1924 bears   witness to the fearful destruction that may  be inflicted by incendiary bombs.” (Crane 168)  Le May experimented with area bombing targeting in  Europe, but the method was not widely adopted. But   Pacific US bomber commanders are more independent. By December, XX Bomber Command’s B-29s consolidate   in the Marianas, and Le May  replaces Hansell as commander.

Le May improves bomber infrastructure and  maintenance programs. US army air force   commander General Henry ‘Hap’ Arnold orders  him to continue daylight precision bombing   and results remain poor. Some commanders  resist low-level firebombing, including   Arnold and Secretary of War Henry Stimson.

Some resistance is for operational reasons,   as Japanese anti-aircraft fire threatens  low-level raids. Other concerns are ethical,   as fire-bombing deliberately targets civilians. But historians and contemporaries notice a   different public attitude to targeting Japanese  civilians compared to Germans. Racism plays a   role, as does the legacy of Pearl Harbor and  Japanese atrocities.

Many Americans also view   Japanese civilians as more willing and eager  participants in the war effort than their German   counterparts. One air commander in Europe wrote: “Like every American who flies to Europe for   combat duty, I regret my failure to get  the desired crack at the Jap. I failed   to possess any real enmity towards Jerry  and sensed a certain repulsion to European   bombings where non-combatant Axis life might be  involved.

” (Crane 97) [US Air Force Commander]  Commanders’ attitudes shift in early  1945, especially as Germany’s defeat   appears imminent. Many believe Japan  will soon surrender, and commanders want   bombers to visibly contribute to victory. Firebombing supporters argue it ultimately   saves lives by ending the war sooner, or  that the method of killing is irrelevant:  “From the practical standpoint of the soldiers out  in the field it doesn’t make any difference how   you slay the enemy. Everybody worries about their  own losses… But to worry about the morality of

what we were going – Nuts. A soldier has to  fight. We fought. If we accomplished the job   in any given battle without exterminating  too many of our own folks, we considered   that we’d had a pretty good day.” (Crane 161) In February 1945, Le May’s bombers experiment   with high-level fire-bombing raids.

Again, B-29s  suffer from mechanical issues and poor accuracy   due to high-altitude winds. Le May shifts  to low-level night raids to reduce engine   stress and take advantage of Japan’s lack of  night fighters. Crews remove defensive guns   to reduce weight and increase bomb loads. On March 9, Le May tests the new methods   over Tokyo with Operating Meetinghouse.

B-29s  target six industrial areas in densely populated   residential districts as Le May argues Japanese  homes function as cottage industries. 279 B-29s   bomb the city with incendiaries, triggering a  firestorm. Fire, heat, smoke, boiling canals,   and melted glass kill thousands, as others  suffocate in shelters. Meetinghouse kills   between 84-100,000 Japanese, destroys 40  square km and renders a million homeless.

Sixth grader Kazuyo Funato recalls: “The wind and flames became terrific. We   were in Hell. All the houses were burning, debris  raining down on us. It was horrible. Sparks flew   everywhere. Electric wires sparked and toppled.  Mother, with my little brother on her back,   had her feet swept out from under her by  the wind and she rolled away.

Father jumped   after her. ‘Are you all right?’ he screamed.  Yoshiaki shouted, ‘Dad!’ I don’t know if his   intention was to rescue Father or to stay with  him, but they all disappeared instantly into   the flames and black smoke.” (Toll Twilight 549) Soon afterwards similar raids target other cities,   including Nagoya, Osaka, and Kobe.  Japanese air defence is minimal.

In July 1945, Lieutenant General Carl  Spaatz arrives from Europe to command   the new United States Strategic Air Forces  in the Pacific. A critic of area bombing,   he shifts targeting to pre-invasion targets,  such as railways and ammunition plants,   although fire-bombing raids continue. However,  he will soon have a new weapon – the atomic bomb.

The dropping of the atomic bombs on  Hiroshima and Nagasaki on August 6   and 9 contribute to the Japanese surrender  announcement of August 15, which came with   the condition of retaining the Emperor. The US  informally agrees to this, frustrating Lockwood:  “Why we ever acceded to [the terms] I will  never understand, for certainly in the opinion   of everyone I talked to among the fighting  forces, [Hirohito] had earned a place right   alongside Hitler and Mussolini.” (Blair 871) Some officers in both the conventional bomber

and submarine forces are frustrated with the  circumstances of Japanese surrender. The novel   nature of the atomic bombs looks likely to  overshadow their contributions, or suggests   Japan surrendered because of the atomic bombings  alone. This issue has since been widely debated,   with one opinion arguing Japan was on the verge  of surrender before to the atomic bombings.

Which branch of the military deserves credit  for this is a topic of further debate.  Proponents of conventional bombing argue the  massive destruction wrought by firebombing had   a decisive impact on the war economy from  early 1945. Casualty estimates vary, but a   1947 survey claims fire-bombing kills 900,000.

More recent estimates place the figure around   3-400,000 killed. Bombing also makes 8.5 million  homeless, around 30% of the urban population,   as bombers destroy 465 square km in 66 cities. The 1946 US Bombing Survey Group claims physical   damage to plants significantly reduced  industrial production of key war materials.   Furthermore, bombing encouraged a dispersal of  industry reducing its efficiency while even intact   factories were affected by worker absenteeism,  disintegrated supply systems, and transport   overburdened with fleeing civilians. Lost  production labour hours doubled from 1944 to July

1945 despite the total labour force increasing. This destruction was also achieved with relatively   low US casualty rates. 2800 B-29 crew died in  the Pacific campaign, the majority in non-combat   incidents. Mechanical improvements meant by July  1945, only 0.4% of bomber crews become casualties.   By comparison, of the 16,000 US submariners who  went on combat patrols, 3500 were killed – 22%.

Others highlight the psychological effect of  B-29 bombings, which were highly visible to   Japanese leaders and civilians. After  the war, several Japanese leaders like   Premier Kantaro Suzuki claim firebombing is  decisive in forcing them to accept defeat:  “It seemed to me unavoidable that in the long run  Japan would be almost destroyed by air attack so   that merely on the basis of the B-29’s alone I  was convinced that Japan should sue for peace…

I myself, on the basis of the B-29 raids, felt  that the cause was hopeless.” (Hallion in Cox 112)  Others argue the morale-dampening effects  of strategic bombing have been exaggerated,   and there were no mass public demands for  surrender in Japan or Germany. The Bombing   Survey accepts B-29 raids influenced some, but  not all Japanese leaders.

Even so, it concludes   conventional bombing alone probably could have  compelled Japanese surrender by November 1945. But others argue Japan’s economy was  in ruins even before the conventional   bombing campaign started, thanks  largely to American submarines. Although post-war surveys drastically  reduce US submariners wartime claims,   submarines still sink a total of 4.7 million  tons of merchant shipping, 60% of the total.

Of the 122,000 Japanese merchant marine personnel  in 1941, submarines claim to kill or incapacitate   69,000. More than 2300 ships are sunk, including  nearly all over 1000 tons. Even if Japanese   merchantmen survive a sinking, they are still  at risk from follow-up attack by other forces.   Yoshio Otsu survived a sinking  only be attacked by US aircraft:  “Seeing no one on board, they strafed those  in the water.

The swine! Not satisfied with   sinking the ship, they must kill those swimming  in the sea! Was this being done by human beings?   We were utterly helpless.” (Hastings 266) The result of merchantmen sinkings and   casualties, some argue, is the collapse of the  import-dependent Japanese war economy. Stockpiled   resources allowed some war production to remain  steady until 1944, but by late 1944 there was a   significant shortage of iron ore, oil, and fuel.

By December, oil import to southern Japan ceases   and steel production collapses. Iron ore from  China, which originally furnished 90% of Japanese   demand, drops from an average 203,000 tons per  month in early 1944 to 37,000 tons in December.   The lack of essential raw materials means that  although war production continues, fuel shortages   disrupt critical phases of production.

Some argue these declines start before the   strategic air campaign got seriously underway.  75% of Japanese tonnage is sunk before January   1945 and many bombed factories were already far  underproducing due to material shortages. One   aircraft plant in Ota dropped from 300 airframes a  month to 100 before it is first bombed in February   1945.

The Economic Division’s report states: “The Japanese economy was in effect drying   up at the roots from six months to a  year before the period of intensive air   attack and ultimate collapse.” (Gentile 64) Lockwood highlights this contribution is made   with a comparatively tiny amount  of people, around 50,000 or 1.6%   of navy personnel.

Submarines largely act  independently and didn’t rely heavily on   other supporting arms. Meanwhile, B-29s require  significant logistics and islands in range of   Japan. The battles of Saipan and Iwo Jima,  which killed up to 68,000 US and Japanese   troops and civilians, are largely to secure  airfields and support B-29 bombing raids.  Even the US Bombing Survey accepts the war  against merchantmen was the most decisive   factor in the economic war against Japan, and that  submarines contributed most sinkings.

However,   B-29s also sink merchantmen, especially from early  1945. B-29s lay 12,000 mines in coastal areas,   closing 19 of 22 repair yards and sinking or  damaging beyond repair 283 ships – or 60% of   sinkings between March and August 1945.  Unable to use coastal shipping routes,   merchantmen stay in harbor or make longer,  dangerous journeys.

The US Bombing survey argues   the B-29 mining campaign alone could have crippled  the Japanese economy, although it accepts this   would have taken longer. Ultimately, supporters of  conventional bombing argue it was the more visible   nature of firebombing raids, and the subsequent  psychological impact which made it decisive.  Supporters of submarines argue that  they also had a psychological impact   on the Japanese population by impacting  food, 20% of which came from overseas.

The threat of near starvation conditions, they  argue, was more influential on Japanese civilians   and leaders than the destruction of urban  areas. B-29 planners also devised plans to hit   Japanese rice farms and fisheries with biological  weapons, although this was ultimately rejected. There’s no consensus in the debate, and both  submariner and bomber commanders have a vested   interest in promoting their contributions.

They know after Japanese surrender the US   needs to demobilize. As expensive arms,  submarines and strategic bombers are on   the cutting block. This is especially true  when the US develops Japan into a regional   ally. And the US Army Air Force is also eager  to become an independent branch after the war.  Ultimately, the B-29 won this post-war  competition.

Tensions with the Soviet   Union and threats in Europe mean strategic  bombers remain vitally important, and the US   Air Force becomes independent in 1947. Although  it is the B-29’s atomic weapon capabilities,   rather than conventional bombing, which is  central to US strategy. The navy mothballs   many US submarines after the war, though  the development of nuclear submarines   from 1950 also saw the branch develop as a  vital part of US Cold War defence policy.

In early 1945 US forces also converged on  the Philippines where they had been defeated   in 1942. Many prisoners of war languished in  POW camps like Cabanutan. On 30 January 1945   US Ranger and Filippino guerrillas freed more  than 500 prisoners in one of the most daring   raids of the Pacific War.

If you want to learn  more about the Cabanatuan Raid, check out the   first episode of new exclusive series History’ s  Most Daring Raids on Nebula, a streaming service   we’re building together with other creators. If you go to nebula.tv/realtimehistory you can   sign up for just $30 for an entire year. On  Nebula you can also watch our other exclusive   documentaries and all our regular videos ad-free.

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As the war in the Pacific develops, the United  States takes the fight to Japan itself – by   crippling its economy, destroying its industry,  and crushing civilian morale. To do this,   American submarines and heavy bombers wage  campaigns beneath the sea and above the   clouds.

And even 80 years later, there’s a  fierce debate about which of these campaigns   did more to bring Japan to its knees –  perhaps even more than the atomic bombs. After the Japanese attack on  Pearl Harbor in December 1941,   Japan has stronger naval forces than the US  in the Pacific, with 10 aircraft carriers to   three American, and more battleships,  cruisers, destroyers, and submarines.

The vast distances of the Pacific theatre mean  those naval forces are decisive. Japan hopes to   destroy US fleets as they enter its defensive  zone, while securing important forward islands   for airfields and lookouts. Pre-war US doctrine  stressed preserving Pacific and Asian forces by   joining other allied fleets in the region.

With the dominant Japanese surface fleet,   only US submarines can operate within the  Japanese defensive zone. The US Pacific Fleet,   based at Pearl Harbor, cancels plans to  send submarines to Europe in favour of the   Pacific. Most US submarines are older S-types, but  new Tambor class submarines are arriving. These   are arguably the most comfortable submarines  of any nation, including air conditioning   and generous quarters, making them ideal for  long-range patrols lasting up to eight weeks.

US submarines operate individually, relying on  the skill and aggression of skippers. But few   captains have such qualities in 1942, partly due  to a conservative doctrine emphasising scouting.  Mechanical issues with American torpedoes,  especially the Mark 14, also mean many   attacks fail, as one Japanese officer recalls: “[The torpedo] seemed to pass along the hull,   scraping the keel and continued on the  other side, emitting great clouds of bubbles   before finally sinking to port.” (Toll 256) US submarines conduct 350 war patrols in 1942,

including coastal defence, blockading,  minelaying, transporting intelligence agents,   reconnaissance, and delivering supplies.  US submarines prioritise intercepting   Japanese warships over merchant ships. Results are not good. Although US submarines sink   180 ships totalling 725,000 tons, new shipbuilding  means Japan only suffers an insignificant net loss   of 89,000 tons. Of 15 attacks on Japanese  capital ships, submarines sink just 2.

The only mission with reasonable success is  merchant raiding in the East China Sea and Formosa   Strait, where Japanese merchant ships gather.  Although accounting for 15% of US submarine   patrols, they produce 45% of sinkings. As an island nation with limited natural   resources, Japan is vulnerable to economic  blockade, and imports most their oil, coal,   iron, bauxite, tin, lead, and zinc. However,  by late 1942, Japan’s imports are stable.

For these meagre results, the US loses only three  submarines to enemy action, while Japan loses 23. Things change in 1943. US submarine commanders  encourage more aggression from their skippers.   There is now more focus on economic warfare  instead of so-called “port watching”. US rear admiral Charles Lockwood takes  command of Pacific Fleet submarines in   January 1943, and he brings change.

He wants more aggression and praises   captains who respond, like Dudley “Mush” Morton.  After a disappointing 1942, Morton takes over   command of the USS Wahoo. He revives the  frustrated crew’s morale and emphasizes   they’ll conduct dangerous missions that will bring  results. Junior officer George Grider recalls:  “Mush… was built like a bear, and as playful  as a cub… The crew loved him… Whether he was   in the control room, swapping tall tales… or  wandering restlessly about in his skivvies…   he was as relaxed as a baby… constantly  joking, laughing, or planning outrageous

exploits against the enemy.” (Blair 381) Morton adopts a new tactic of allowing   his executive officer to operate the periscope; a  task usually reserved for the skipper. This allows   Morton to maintain better control over the broader  situation and set up follow up attacks. In his   first patrol, Morton’s Wahoo torpedoes a destroyer  in Wewak harbor and intercepts a freighter convoy,   torpedoing all four vessels, including a troop  transport.

Morton then orders the deck guns to   open fire on the Japanese troops in the water.  He later claims troops in lifeboats fired at   the surfaced Wahoo, but also said this: “[…] the army bombards strategic areas   and the air corps uses area-bombing so  the ground forces can advance. Both bring   civilian casualties.

Now without other casualties,  I will prevent these soldiers from getting ashore,   for every one who does can mean an  American life.” (Conquering Tide 273)  Many of those in the water,  however, are Indian POWs.  Submarine commanders never criticise or punish  Morton’s controversial decision – instead Lockwood   calls him a “One Man Wolfpack” and the US media  celebrates him.

The Wahoo patrol is said to give   the wider submarine force newfound aggression, and  makes it clear bold commanders will earn rewards.  In 1943, US submarines sink 335 ships for  1.5 million tons, double the 1942 result   for the same number of patrols. Although ship  conversions increase Japanese oil tanker tonnage,   net non-tanker tonnage losses are 1.1 million.

As  a result, the import of important raw materials   dropped from 19.4 million tons to 16.4 million,  which further limits Japanese shipbuilding.  Submarine sinkings of major Japanese warships,  however, are still rare – with only one light   carrier sunk. Meanwhile, more aggressive US  tactics and improved Japanese countermeasures   result in the loss of 15 submarines,  including Wahoo, which the Japanese   sink with the loss of all hands.

The success is also due to better   torpedoes. After much resistance, the  Bureau of Ordnance accepts fault and   finally fixes the Mark 14 by September 1943. Experience, better torpedoes, and new bases on   US-captured Pacific islands allow submarines to  have an even more successful 1944. US submarines   sink 603 ships totaling 2.7 million tons.

Although  tanker tonnage still increases, it’s a net loss   of over 2 million tons. For the first time,  Japanese merchant tonnage drops below 2 million,   the minimum to maintain Japan’s economy. Imports  drop from 16.4 million tons to 10 million.  US submarines also enjoy more success against  warships as the Japanese navy is increasingly   confined, sinking one battleship, seven aircraft  carriers, and around 46 others.

In fact,   the Japanese never develop a coherent strategy  against the US submarine campaign, partly because   their naval doctrine focused nearly exclusively  on decisive battles between surface fleets – they   didn’t even systematically adopt merchant convoys. By December 1944, Japanese merchant ships stick   to coastal areas or harbors.

US carrier-based  aircraft largely eliminate the remaining Japanese   merchant ships. By 1945, US submarines return  to more passive duties for lack of targets. One important task for American subs is supporting  a new strategic bombing campaign of Japan,   by rescuing downed pilots and providing  weather forecasting. In early 1945,   Japan’s continued economic  destruction will come from the air.

Early in the war, US bombers are limited by  geography, with Japan out of range from land-based   airfields. On April 18, 1942, the US launches its  first bombing raid of Japan in the Doolittle Raid.   Modified B-25 bombers take off from aircraft  carriers roughly 1,000 kilometres from Japan,   bomb Tokyo, and then land in friendly China.

The raid causes little damage and is not part   of a long-term campaign. High aircraft  losses, Japanese reprisals in China,   and the Japanese execution of  captured crew dissuade future attacks.  In late 1943, the US Joint Chiefs  of Staff authorise Operation   Matterhorn.

B-29 Superfortresses – long-range  high-altitude bombers – will attack Japan from   bases in China. But Japan’s industrial  heartland is still out of range. Plus,   supplies must be flown over the Himalayas,  which limits bomb loads and maintenance, and   Japanese forces in China threaten the airbases.  Furthermore, the B-29 bomber has problems.  It’s larger and more complex than other bombers  with engines prone to fires, resulting in high   mission abort rates and accidents.

Major General  Curtis Le May of XX Bomber Command later remarks:  “B-29s had as many bugs as the  entomological department of the   Smithsonian Institution.” (Crane 170) Matterhorn’s results are disappointing.   By November, XX Bomber Command has only flown  five missions against Japan and Matterhorn is   deemphasised due to expense and the  Japanese capture of Chinese airbases.

Another factor is that in July 1944, US forces  capture the Mariana Islands. They are in B-29   range of Tokyo and take over as the primary  strategic bombing base. But early results still   aren’t good. General Haywood Hansell of XXI Bomber  Command uses high-altitude precision methods with   high explosives.

The long distance, light bomb  loads, high abort rate, and poor high-altitude   weather conditions over Japan limit effectiveness. General Le May argues against the precision   bombing methods, claiming Japanese industry is too  dispersed among residential areas to accurately   hit. He suggests low-altitude area-bombing  with incendiary bombs. US studies highlight   Japanese cities’ vulnerability to fire: “Large sections of the great Japanese   cities are built of flimsy and highly flammable  materials.

The earthquake disaster of 1924 bears   witness to the fearful destruction that may  be inflicted by incendiary bombs.” (Crane 168)  Le May experimented with area bombing targeting in  Europe, but the method was not widely adopted. But   Pacific US bomber commanders are more independent. By December, XX Bomber Command’s B-29s consolidate   in the Marianas, and Le May  replaces Hansell as commander.

Le May improves bomber infrastructure and  maintenance programs. US army air force   commander General Henry ‘Hap’ Arnold orders  him to continue daylight precision bombing   and results remain poor. Some commanders  resist low-level firebombing, including   Arnold and Secretary of War Henry Stimson.

Some resistance is for operational reasons,   as Japanese anti-aircraft fire threatens  low-level raids. Other concerns are ethical,   as fire-bombing deliberately targets civilians. But historians and contemporaries notice a   different public attitude to targeting Japanese  civilians compared to Germans. Racism plays a   role, as does the legacy of Pearl Harbor and  Japanese atrocities.

Many Americans also view   Japanese civilians as more willing and eager  participants in the war effort than their German   counterparts. One air commander in Europe wrote: “Like every American who flies to Europe for   combat duty, I regret my failure to get  the desired crack at the Jap. I failed   to possess any real enmity towards Jerry  and sensed a certain repulsion to European   bombings where non-combatant Axis life might be  involved.

” (Crane 97) [US Air Force Commander]  Commanders’ attitudes shift in early  1945, especially as Germany’s defeat   appears imminent. Many believe Japan  will soon surrender, and commanders want   bombers to visibly contribute to victory. Firebombing supporters argue it ultimately   saves lives by ending the war sooner, or  that the method of killing is irrelevant:  “From the practical standpoint of the soldiers out  in the field it doesn’t make any difference how   you slay the enemy. Everybody worries about their  own losses… But to worry about the morality of

what we were going – Nuts. A soldier has to  fight. We fought. If we accomplished the job   in any given battle without exterminating  too many of our own folks, we considered   that we’d had a pretty good day.” (Crane 161) In February 1945, Le May’s bombers experiment   with high-level fire-bombing raids.

Again, B-29s  suffer from mechanical issues and poor accuracy   due to high-altitude winds. Le May shifts  to low-level night raids to reduce engine   stress and take advantage of Japan’s lack of  night fighters. Crews remove defensive guns   to reduce weight and increase bomb loads. On March 9, Le May tests the new methods   over Tokyo with Operating Meetinghouse.

B-29s  target six industrial areas in densely populated   residential districts as Le May argues Japanese  homes function as cottage industries. 279 B-29s   bomb the city with incendiaries, triggering a  firestorm. Fire, heat, smoke, boiling canals,   and melted glass kill thousands, as others  suffocate in shelters. Meetinghouse kills   between 84-100,000 Japanese, destroys 40  square km and renders a million homeless.

Sixth grader Kazuyo Funato recalls: “The wind and flames became terrific. We   were in Hell. All the houses were burning, debris  raining down on us. It was horrible. Sparks flew   everywhere. Electric wires sparked and toppled.  Mother, with my little brother on her back,   had her feet swept out from under her by  the wind and she rolled away.

Father jumped   after her. ‘Are you all right?’ he screamed.  Yoshiaki shouted, ‘Dad!’ I don’t know if his   intention was to rescue Father or to stay with  him, but they all disappeared instantly into   the flames and black smoke.” (Toll Twilight 549) Soon afterwards similar raids target other cities,   including Nagoya, Osaka, and Kobe.  Japanese air defence is minimal.

In July 1945, Lieutenant General Carl  Spaatz arrives from Europe to command   the new United States Strategic Air Forces  in the Pacific. A critic of area bombing,   he shifts targeting to pre-invasion targets,  such as railways and ammunition plants,   although fire-bombing raids continue. However,  he will soon have a new weapon – the atomic bomb.

The dropping of the atomic bombs on  Hiroshima and Nagasaki on August 6   and 9 contribute to the Japanese surrender  announcement of August 15, which came with   the condition of retaining the Emperor. The US  informally agrees to this, frustrating Lockwood:  “Why we ever acceded to [the terms] I will  never understand, for certainly in the opinion   of everyone I talked to among the fighting  forces, [Hirohito] had earned a place right   alongside Hitler and Mussolini.” (Blair 871) Some officers in both the conventional bomber

and submarine forces are frustrated with the  circumstances of Japanese surrender. The novel   nature of the atomic bombs looks likely to  overshadow their contributions, or suggests   Japan surrendered because of the atomic bombings  alone. This issue has since been widely debated,   with one opinion arguing Japan was on the verge  of surrender before to the atomic bombings.

Which branch of the military deserves credit  for this is a topic of further debate.  Proponents of conventional bombing argue the  massive destruction wrought by firebombing had   a decisive impact on the war economy from  early 1945. Casualty estimates vary, but a   1947 survey claims fire-bombing kills 900,000.

More recent estimates place the figure around   3-400,000 killed. Bombing also makes 8.5 million  homeless, around 30% of the urban population,   as bombers destroy 465 square km in 66 cities. The 1946 US Bombing Survey Group claims physical   damage to plants significantly reduced  industrial production of key war materials.   Furthermore, bombing encouraged a dispersal of  industry reducing its efficiency while even intact   factories were affected by worker absenteeism,  disintegrated supply systems, and transport   overburdened with fleeing civilians. Lost  production labour hours doubled from 1944 to July

1945 despite the total labour force increasing. This destruction was also achieved with relatively   low US casualty rates. 2800 B-29 crew died in  the Pacific campaign, the majority in non-combat   incidents. Mechanical improvements meant by July  1945, only 0.4% of bomber crews become casualties.   By comparison, of the 16,000 US submariners who  went on combat patrols, 3500 were killed – 22%.

Others highlight the psychological effect of  B-29 bombings, which were highly visible to   Japanese leaders and civilians. After  the war, several Japanese leaders like   Premier Kantaro Suzuki claim firebombing is  decisive in forcing them to accept defeat:  “It seemed to me unavoidable that in the long run  Japan would be almost destroyed by air attack so   that merely on the basis of the B-29’s alone I  was convinced that Japan should sue for peace…

I myself, on the basis of the B-29 raids, felt  that the cause was hopeless.” (Hallion in Cox 112)  Others argue the morale-dampening effects  of strategic bombing have been exaggerated,   and there were no mass public demands for  surrender in Japan or Germany. The Bombing   Survey accepts B-29 raids influenced some, but  not all Japanese leaders.

Even so, it concludes   conventional bombing alone probably could have  compelled Japanese surrender by November 1945. But others argue Japan’s economy was  in ruins even before the conventional   bombing campaign started, thanks  largely to American submarines. Although post-war surveys drastically  reduce US submariners wartime claims,   submarines still sink a total of 4.7 million  tons of merchant shipping, 60% of the total.

Of the 122,000 Japanese merchant marine personnel  in 1941, submarines claim to kill or incapacitate   69,000. More than 2300 ships are sunk, including  nearly all over 1000 tons. Even if Japanese   merchantmen survive a sinking, they are still  at risk from follow-up attack by other forces.   Yoshio Otsu survived a sinking  only be attacked by US aircraft:  “Seeing no one on board, they strafed those  in the water.

The swine! Not satisfied with   sinking the ship, they must kill those swimming  in the sea! Was this being done by human beings?   We were utterly helpless.” (Hastings 266) The result of merchantmen sinkings and   casualties, some argue, is the collapse of the  import-dependent Japanese war economy. Stockpiled   resources allowed some war production to remain  steady until 1944, but by late 1944 there was a   significant shortage of iron ore, oil, and fuel.

By December, oil import to southern Japan ceases   and steel production collapses. Iron ore from  China, which originally furnished 90% of Japanese   demand, drops from an average 203,000 tons per  month in early 1944 to 37,000 tons in December.   The lack of essential raw materials means that  although war production continues, fuel shortages   disrupt critical phases of production.

Some argue these declines start before the   strategic air campaign got seriously underway.  75% of Japanese tonnage is sunk before January   1945 and many bombed factories were already far  underproducing due to material shortages. One   aircraft plant in Ota dropped from 300 airframes a  month to 100 before it is first bombed in February   1945.

The Economic Division’s report states: “The Japanese economy was in effect drying   up at the roots from six months to a  year before the period of intensive air   attack and ultimate collapse.” (Gentile 64) Lockwood highlights this contribution is made   with a comparatively tiny amount  of people, around 50,000 or 1.6%   of navy personnel.

Submarines largely act  independently and didn’t rely heavily on   other supporting arms. Meanwhile, B-29s require  significant logistics and islands in range of   Japan. The battles of Saipan and Iwo Jima,  which killed up to 68,000 US and Japanese   troops and civilians, are largely to secure  airfields and support B-29 bombing raids.  Even the US Bombing Survey accepts the war  against merchantmen was the most decisive   factor in the economic war against Japan, and that  submarines contributed most sinkings.

However,   B-29s also sink merchantmen, especially from early  1945. B-29s lay 12,000 mines in coastal areas,   closing 19 of 22 repair yards and sinking or  damaging beyond repair 283 ships – or 60% of   sinkings between March and August 1945.  Unable to use coastal shipping routes,   merchantmen stay in harbor or make longer,  dangerous journeys.

The US Bombing survey argues   the B-29 mining campaign alone could have crippled  the Japanese economy, although it accepts this   would have taken longer. Ultimately, supporters of  conventional bombing argue it was the more visible   nature of firebombing raids, and the subsequent  psychological impact which made it decisive.  Supporters of submarines argue that  they also had a psychological impact   on the Japanese population by impacting  food, 20% of which came from overseas.

The threat of near starvation conditions, they  argue, was more influential on Japanese civilians   and leaders than the destruction of urban  areas. B-29 planners also devised plans to hit   Japanese rice farms and fisheries with biological  weapons, although this was ultimately rejected. There’s no consensus in the debate, and both  submariner and bomber commanders have a vested   interest in promoting their contributions.

They know after Japanese surrender the US   needs to demobilize. As expensive arms,  submarines and strategic bombers are on   the cutting block. This is especially true  when the US develops Japan into a regional   ally. And the US Army Air Force is also eager  to become an independent branch after the war.  Ultimately, the B-29 won this post-war  competition.

Tensions with the Soviet   Union and threats in Europe mean strategic  bombers remain vitally important, and the US   Air Force becomes independent in 1947. Although  it is the B-29’s atomic weapon capabilities,   rather than conventional bombing, which is  central to US strategy. The navy mothballs   many US submarines after the war, though  the development of nuclear submarines   from 1950 also saw the branch develop as a  vital part of US Cold War defence policy.

In early 1945 US forces also converged on  the Philippines where they had been defeated   in 1942. Many prisoners of war languished in  POW camps like Cabanutan. On 30 January 1945   US Ranger and Filippino guerrillas freed more  than 500 prisoners in one of the most daring   raids of the Pacific War.

If you want to learn  more about the Cabanatuan Raid, check out the   first episode of new exclusive series History’ s  Most Daring Raids on Nebula, a streaming service   we’re building together with other creators. If you go to nebula.tv/realtimehistory you can   sign up for just $30 for an entire year. On  Nebula you can also watch our other exclusive   documentaries and all our regular videos ad-free.

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The Lifetime membership allows  us to invest in more original content   and improve the platform for everyone. One  third of your Lifetime membership will also   support us at Real Time History directly. Again, that’s nebulat.tv/realtimehistory   for a great deal that also supports this channel. To learn more about the Second World War on  the Pacific, check out our previous videos   on Saipan, Iwo Jima, Okinawa, or the Battle of  Manila.

As usual you can find all the sources   for this video in the description below. If you  are watching this video on Patreon or Nebula,   thank you so much for the support, we  couldn’t do it without you. I am Jesse   Alexander and this is a production of Real  Time History, the only history channel that   as many bugs as the entomological department  of the Berlin Museum of Natural History.

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