OPENING THE COFFIN of Ayatollah Khomeini *HARD TO WATCH JJ

On June 5th, 1989, millions flooded the streets of Tehran to bury Ayatollah Rolo Kmeni. And the chaos was so intense, his body had to be airlifted out of the crowd. But what people didn’t expect was that years later, his coffin would become the center of another disturbing story that refuses to stay buried. Ayatollah Ruola Kmeni was born on September 24th, 1902 in Kain, a town that at the time had more tradition than opportunity. His family line traced back to Shia clerics, so religion was already

part of his identity from the beginning. But his childhood was not stable. His father, Seed Mustafa Mousavi, was killed in 1903, reportedly after a conflict with local authorities or land owners, and that left his mother and relatives to raise him. As he got older, he moved into religious education, which was one of the few clear paths available to someone like him. He studied first in Arak and then moved to K in the 1920s, which was becoming the main center of Shia scholarship in Iran. K wasn’t just

a religious city. It was a place where ideas were debated, where young clerics competed intellectually and where reputations were slowly built. Kmeni studied under well-known scholars like Abdul Karim Heradzi who had founded the K seminary. He learned Islamic law, philosophy, ethics, and also mysticism which shaped how he saw the world. By the 1930s and 1940s, Iran itself was going through some big changes. The country had already seen the rule of Resam who tried to modernize Iran by reducing the power of religious

institutions and pushing westernstyle reforms. These policies didn’t disappear when his son Muhammad Resa Sha Balavi took over in 1941. In fact, over time they became stronger. Kmeni watched all of this closely. At first, he wasn’t openly political in the way he would later become, but his writings from this period already show concern about Western influence, moral decline, and the role of Islam in governance. By the 1940s, he had written a book called Kashaf Al- Assar, where he criticized the monarchy and defended

religious authority, which was an early sign that he wasn’t going to stay quiet forever. In the 1950s, Iran went through another major turning point with the 1953 coup that removed Prime Minister Muhammad Mosadesh, and strengthened the Shaw’s control. This event, backed by foreign intelligence agencies, deepened distrust among many Iranians toward Western powers, especially the United States and United Kingdom. Kmeni absorbed all of this. He saw a pattern forming where political power, foreign influence, and

local rulers were tightly connected. and he believed religion should push back against that. By the early 1960s, the Shaw launched what he called the white revolution, a series of reforms that included land redistribution, women’s voting rights, and modernization campaigns. On paper, these changes sounded progressive, but many religious leaders saw them as a direct threat to Islamic traditions and to their own influence. Kmeni stepped forward more openly at this point. In 1963, he gave speeches during the religious month of

Muharam, openly attacking the Sha, accusing him of being controlled by foreign powers and damaging Islam in Iran. This wasn’t a quiet criticism. It was public, direct, and bold. The government reacted immediately on June 5th, 1963. After his arrest, protests broke out in several cities, including Thran, K, and Shiraz. The protests turned violent and the army moved in. Hundreds, possibly thousands were killed. This moment is often seen as the first real spark of what would later become the 1979 revolution. For

Kmeni, it changed everything. He was no longer just a religious teacher. He became a symbol of resistance. After his release, he didn’t back down. In 1964, he criticized a new law that gave diplomatic immunity to American military personnel in Iran. He called it an insult to the nation. This was the final straw for the Shaw’s government. Kmeni was arrested again and this time exiled. He was first sent to Turkey where he stayed for about a year under strict monitoring and then moved to Nhaf in

Iraq which was another major center of Shia learning. In nhaf his ideas became sharper and more structured. This is where he developed his theory of vlayataki which argued that a senior Islamic jurist should have political authority in the absence of the hidden imam. This idea would later become the foundation of Iran’s political system after the revolution. While in exile, he didn’t fade away. His lectures were recorded on cassette tapes, copied and smuggled into Iran through networks of supporters.

These tapes spread in mosques, bazaars, and homes, reaching far beyond what traditional speeches could do. In 1978, pressure from the Sha’s allies forced Iraq to expel Kmeni. He moved to France, settling in a suburb of Paris called NL Chatau. Ironically, this gave him even more access to global media. Journalists from around the world could now easily reach him and his messages were broadcast internationally. At the same time, inside Iran, protests were growing stronger. Workers went on strike,

students filled the streets, and the government struggled to keep control. The situation had reached a breaking point. What made it different this time was not just anger, but scale and coordination. Protests weren’t limited to one group. Religious leaders, students, workers, and even parts of the middle class were all now involved. Demonstrations began early in the year, especially after an article criticized Kmeni and triggered outrage in K. Security forces opened fire on protesters. And this created a

cycle. Every 40 days, new memorial protests were held for those who had died. And each time more people joined, turning mourning into momentum. Raul Kmeni, still in exile, became the emotional center of all this. His messages were simple and direct, which made them very easy to spread. Mosques became distribution points. Even people who had never met him felt connected to his words. This was one of the first times in modern history where recorded media played such a huge role in a revolution. The sha Muhammad Resa Sha Palavi tried

different strategies to stop the unrest. At times he used force, sending troops in to break up demonstrations. At other times, he tried to calm things down by replacing government officials and promising reforms. But nothing worked. Each move seemed too late or too weak. The more force he used, the more people turned against him. The more he tried to compromise, the more it looked like he was losing control. By late 1978, strikes had spread across key industries, including oil, which was the backbone of Idon’s economy. This hit the

government hard with less revenue and growing unrest. The system started to collapse from the inside. Cities were filled with massive protests, some involving hundreds of thousands of people. In January 1979, the Sha left Iran officially for a vacation and medical treatment. But everyone understood what it really meant. He wasn’t coming back. His departure created a massive power vacuum. For a brief moment, it wasn’t clear who would take control. A transitional government tried to maintain order, but they didn’t have any

real authority. Then came February 1st, 1979. After 14 years in exile, Kmeni returned to Iran. His flight from Paris to Thran was followed by media across the world. When he landed, millions of people gathered to welcome him. The streets were completely packed. It looked less like a political return and more like a historic turning point that people knew they were witnessing in real time. Within days, the situation escalated. Clashes broke out between supporters of the old regime and revolutionary forces.

On February 11th, 1979, the military declared neutrality, which was the final blow to the monarchy. Without military support, the Shaw system collapsed almost overnight. Iran was no longer a monarchy. It became the Islamic Republic of Iran after a national referendum in April 1979 where the majority voted in favor of the new system. Kmeni became the supreme leader holding ultimate authority above elected officials. This structure was based on the ideas he had developed years earlier in exile especially the concept of

religious leadership guiding the state. But once power was secured the focus shifted quickly to control. Revolutionary courts were set up and trials were carried out rapidly. Many former officials of the Shaw’s regime were executed within months. Opposition groups that had also fought against the Shaw, including leftists and liberals, soon found themselves targeted as well. By the early 1980s, thousands had been arrested, and many were imprisoned or executed as the new government eliminated threats.

In November 1979, another major event changed relationship with the world. A group of students seized the US embassy in Thran, taking 52 American diplomats and citizens hostage. The crisis lasted 444 days. Kmeni supported the takeover, seeing it as a stand against American influence. This event destroyed diplomatic relations between Iran and the United States and shaped global perceptions of the new regime. Then in September 1980, war began. The Iran Iraq war started when Saddam Hussein ordered

Iraqi forces to invade Iran. Hoping to take advantage of the country’s instability after the revolution. Instead, the conflict turned into a long and brutal war that lasted 8 years. Both sides suffered massive losses with estimates around 1 million dead and wounded combined. Cities were bombed, chemical weapons were used, and entire generations were affected. For Iran, the war became more than just a military conflict. It was framed as a defense of the revolution itself. Kmeni used it to strengthen internal unity and

justify strict control over society. Even as the war dragged on and resources became limited, the government pushed forward, refusing early peace offers. By 1988, the situation had become unbearable. Iran accepted a ceasefire under a United Nations resolution, effectively ending the war. Kmeni later described this decision as deeply painful, showing how difficult it was for him to step back after years of conflict. By the late 1980s, he was no longer the same man who had returned from exile full of energy. He had been dealing with

health problems for years, especially heart issues and serious digestive trouble. But now everything started getting worse at the same time. His body was simply wearing out. In May 1989, his condition became critical enough he had to be taken to a hospital in Thran under heavy security. The entire country’s future was tied to what happened inside that hospital room. Doctors quickly realized the situation was serious. He was suffering from internal bleeding in his digestive system, which can be

deadly if not controlled fast. surgeons performed an operation to stop the bleeding. For a short moment, it looked like the worst had passed. There were reports that the surgery had worked and that he might recover. But with someone his age and with his medical history, recovery was never going to be simple. Soon after the surgery, complications started to appear. His heart was weak and his body struggled to handle the stress of the operation. Infections and organ strain made things worse. Day by

day, his condition declined. The same man who once stood in front of millions, shaping the direction of an entire nation, was now lying in a hospital bed, surrounded by doctors, close aids, and top officials who were quietly preparing for what might come next. Behind the scenes, something very important was happening. At the same time, Iran’s leadership knew that if Kmeni died without a clear plan, it could create chaos. So while he was still alive, discussions were already taking place about who would replace

him. Just days before his death, changes were made to the constitution to make it easier for a successor to take over. This shows just how serious the situation had become. They weren’t just hoping he would survive. They were preparing for the end. On June 3rd, 1989, it finally happened. Rule Kmeni died at the age of 86. The official announcement came soon after and it spread across Iran almost instantly through radio and television. The reaction was immediate and overwhelming. People poured into the

streets. Many were crying openly. Others were in shock. For millions, this wasn’t just the death of a political leader. It felt like losing the person who defined their country’s identity since 1979. At the same time, uncertainty filled the air. Even though plans had been discussed, nothing like this had happened before in the Islamic Republic. Kmeni wasn’t just a president or a prime minister who could be replaced easily. The funeral of Raul Kmeni on June 5th, 1989 didn’t look like a normal funeral

from the very beginning. It looked more like a massive human wave moving through Tehran. Estimates suggest that over 10 million people gathered, making it one of the largest funeral crowds ever recorded. To understand that number, you have to imagine entire cities emptying out as people traveled to the capital just to be there. Roads were packed, buses were overloaded, and many people simply walked long distances. The emotional intensity was on another level. People weren’t just standing quietly. They were crying loudly,

shouting religious chants, pushing forward, trying to get as close as possible. For many, touching the coffin or even the cloth covering the body felt like a once-in-a-lifetime moment. At first, officials tried to keep things organized. The body was placed in a way that people could see it as it moved through the crowd, but very quickly, control started slipping away. The sheer number of people made it almost impossible to manage. As the coffin moved, waves of people surged forward at the same time. Everyone wanted to be

closer and no one wanted to stay back. Then the situation broke. Thousands pushed at once and the crowd collapsed inward. Security forces couldn’t hold the lines. People were crushed together. Some fainted, others were injured. In the chaos, the coffin was nearly knocked over. At one point, it was reported that the shroud covering Kmeni’s body was torn as people tried to grab pieces of it. That’s how desperate the moment became. Authorities had no choice but to stop everything. The funeral procession

was halted and the body had to be removed from the scene. A helicopter was brought in to take the coffin away from the crowd. Imagine how serious things must have been for a funeral to reach that point where the only way to continue was to take the body out of reach entirely. This wasn’t just grief in a normal sense. It was something deeper and more intense. After several hours, officials regrouped and planned a second, more controlled burial process. This time, security was much tighter, access was

limited, and the crowd was kept at a distance. Finally, the burial was completed in southern Thran, where a site had been chosen for his grave. In the years that followed, that burial site didn’t stay simple. It grew into a massive mausoleum complex with large domes, open courtyards, and spaces for huge crowds. It became a place where people visited regularly, especially on important religious and political dates. It turned into a symbol of the revolution itself. Over time, the area around the grave

kept expanding, new structures were added, the mausoleum became larger, and the site turned into a major national landmark. With all this construction and renovation, work was constantly happening around the tomb. And at some point during these developments, reports started to spread that Kmeni’s coffin had been opened. This wasn’t announced officially in a detailed way, and it wasn’t shown publicly. It was said to be part of internal procedures, possibly related to maintenance, inspection of

the burial site, or adjustments within the structure as it expanded. But even if something happens quietly, it doesn’t stay hidden forever. Information began to leak out through unofficial channels. People started talking. Stories began to circulate, especially among those who claimed to have heard details from insiders. Some of these reports said that when the coffin was opened, Kmeni’s body looked unusually well preserved even after years. Others added more dramatic details, making it sound almost

unreal, like something out of legend rather than fact. As these stories spread, they started to grow. Each retelling added something new, something more shocking. The problem is there is no solid fully verified public record that confirms exactly what was seen inside that coffin. No detailed official report has been released that clearly explains the condition of the body. This means a lot of what people believe comes from secondhand information, rumors, and speculation. But even without confirmed

details, the idea alone has a powerful effect. For many, just hearing that the coffin of such a major figure had been opened was shocking. In many cultures, especially in religious contexts, graves are meant to remain untouched. Opening one feels like crossing a line. It raises questions about respect, belief, and what should or should not be done after death. In Kmeni’s case, it carried even more weight. So anything connected to his body even years after his death instantly becomes sensitive and

controversial.